
Lex Fridman Podcast
#462 – Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson: Politics, Trump, AOC, Elon & DOGE
Wed, 26 Mar 2025
Ezra Klein is one of the most influential voices representing the left-wing of American politics. He is a columnist for the NY Times and host of The Ezra Klein Show. Derek Thompson is a writer at The Atlantic and host of the Plain English podcast. Together they have written a new book titled Abundance that lays out a set of ideas for the future of the Democratic party. Thank you for listening ❤ Check out our sponsors: https://lexfridman.com/sponsors/ep462-sc See below for timestamps, transcript, and to give feedback, submit questions, contact Lex, etc. Transcript: https://lexfridman.com/ezra-klein-and-derek-thompson-transcript CONTACT LEX: Feedback - give feedback to Lex: https://lexfridman.com/survey AMA - submit questions, videos or call-in: https://lexfridman.com/ama Hiring - join our team: https://lexfridman.com/hiring Other - other ways to get in touch: https://lexfridman.com/contact EPISODE LINKS: Abundance (new book): https://amzn.to/4iZ1S8J Ezra's X: https://x.com/ezraklein/ Ezra's Instagram: https://instagram.com/ezraklein Ezra's YouTube: https://youtube.com/EzraKleinShow The New York Times: https://nytimes.com/by/ezra-klein Derek's X: https://x.com/dkthomp Plain English (podcast): https://www.theringer.com/podcasts/plain-english-with-derek-thompson The Atlantic: https://theatlantic.com/author/derek-thompson/ SPONSORS: To support this podcast, check out our sponsors & get discounts: Call of Duty: First-person shooter video game. Go to https://callofduty.com/warzone LMNT: Zero-sugar electrolyte drink mix. Go to https://drinkLMNT.com/lex AG1: All-in-one daily nutrition drinks. Go to https://drinkag1.com/lex Shopify: Sell stuff online. Go to https://shopify.com/lex OUTLINE: (00:00) - Introduction (03:17) - Sponsors, Comments, and Reflections (10:33) - Left-wing vs right-wing politics (19:54) - Political leaders on the left and the right (44:29) - Internal political divisions (47:29) - AOC (58:50) - Political realignment (1:10:32) - Supply-side progressivism (1:17:42) - Wealth redistribution (1:27:50) - Housing problem (1:44:09) - Regulation and deregulation (2:00:43) - DOGE, Elon, and Trump (2:59:46) - Sam Harris (3:09:24) - Future of America PODCAST LINKS: - Podcast Website: https://lexfridman.com/podcast - Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/2lwqZIr - Spotify: https://spoti.fi/2nEwCF8 - RSS: https://lexfridman.com/feed/podcast/ - Podcast Playlist: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLrAXtmErZgOdP_8GztsuKi9nrraNbKKp4 - Clips Channel: https://www.youtube.com/lexclips
Chapter 1: Who are Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson?
The following is a conversation with Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson. Ezra is one of the most influential voices representing the left wing of American politics. He is a columnist for the New York Times, author of Why We're Polarized, and host of the Ezra Klein Show. Derek is a writer at The Atlantic, author of Hitmakers and On Work, and host of the Plain English podcast.
Together, they've written a new book, simply titled Abundance, that lays out a kind of manifesto for the left. It is already a controversial, widely debated book, but I think it puts forward a powerful vision for what the Democratic Party could stand for in the coming election. If I may, let me comment on the fact that sometimes on this podcast, I delve into the dark realm of politics.
Indeed, politics often divides us, and frankly, brings out the worst in some very smart people. Plus, to me, it is frustrating how much of the political discourse is drama, and how little of it is rigorous, empathetic discussion of policy. I hate this, but I guess I understand why.
If the other side is called either Hitler or Stalin online by swarms of chanting mobs, it's hard to carry out a nuanced discussion about immigration, healthcare, housing, education, foreign policy, and so on. On top of that, anytime I talk about politics, half the audience is pissed off at me. And no, there is no audience capture.
I get shit on equally by different groups across the political spectrum, depending on the guest. Why, I don't know, but I'm slowly coming to accept that this is the way of the world. I try to maintain my cool, return hate with compassion, and learn from the criticism and the general madness of it all. Still, I think it's valuable to sometimes talk about politics.
It's an important part to the big picture of human civilization, but indeed, it is only still a small part. My happy place is talking to scientists, engineers, programmers, video game designers, historians, philosophers, musicians, athletes, filmmakers, and so on. So I apologize for the occasional detour into politics, especially over the past few months.
I did a few conversations with world leaders, and I have a few more coming up. So there will be a few more political podcasts coming out, in part so I can be better prepared to deeply understand the mind, the life, and the perspective of each world leader.
I hope you come along with me on this journey into the darkness of politics as I try to shine a light on the complex human mess of it all, hoping to understand us humans better, always backed, of course, by deep, rigorous research and by empathy. Long term, I hope for political discussions to be only a small percentage of this podcast. If it's not your thing, please just skip these episodes.
Or maybe come along anyway, since both you and I are reluctant travelers on this road trip. But who knows what we'll learn together about the world and about ourselves. And now a quick few second mention of each sponsor. Check them out in the description. It is, in fact, the best way to support this podcast.
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Chapter 2: How does the left define its political ideals?
Since a lot of folks in the survey, lexgerman.com survey, said they actually like the random non sequitur things I talk about, to my great surprise. And the rest said they were happy to just skip when they felt like it. I do, in fact, make it easy to skip with timestamps on screen and in the description. And I'm not adding ads in the middle, so hopefully this works for everybody. Let's see.
I do try to make the ad reads interesting and personal, often related to stuff I'm reading or thinking about. But if you must skip them, please do check out the sponsors. Sign up. Get their stuff. I enjoy it. Maybe you will too. Also, if you want to get in touch with me for whatever reason, go to lexfreeman.com slash contact. And now, on to the full ad reads. Let's go.
This episode is brought to you by a new sponsor, Call of Duty Warzone, and the return of the iconic Verdansk map. I've been a Call of Duty fan for a long, long time. It's definitely one of my favorite shooters, the ultra-realism, combined with my fascination of history.
You can kind of project whatever book you're reading about human history, whether it's World War II or modern warfare, on to the battlefield that they represent. Verdansk was originally introduced, I believe, in March of 2020 during COVID. And it was just a great map that the entire Call of Duty community enjoyed. sort of bonded over.
So a little bit of this map is just nostalgia of it being brought back. I have a lot of nostalgia about the conversations, the experiences I had during that time. There really is an intimacy in voice communication during that time.
Perhaps you know this about me, perhaps you don't, but I'm a huge fan of video games and I'm going to be doing a bunch of conversations with video game designers this year. I love the artistry of games. I love the engineering challenges of games.
I love the high stakes deadlines that games create because it's so difficult to create a beautiful, complex, deep world with stories, with narratives, with characters. Anyway, if you want to try it, it'll be out on April 3rd. You can download Call of Duty Warzone for free and then drop into the Verdansk map on April 3rd. Rated M for Mature.
This episode is also brought to you by Element, my daily zero sugar and delicious electrolyte mix. I just had a tough jiu-jitsu session, and I have to say it's good to be back on the mat because I sprained my ACL a while back, and I was trying to be smart. I was being smart by staying off the mat, and I think it's back to 100%. It felt close to 100% today. I was able to go hard with a bunch of
you know, 200 plus pound meat heads. And I didn't tell them of any injuries and all that kind of stuff. So they're just going wild of all ranks, white belt, blue belt, purple, brown, black, all of it. I was able to do well sort of in terms of timing, in terms of movement, in terms of structural strength, you know, that injuries can sometimes compromise. So it felt really good.
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Chapter 3: What are the differences between liberals and conservatives?
This episode is also brought to you by AG1, an all-in-one daily drink to support better health and peak performance. When I was traveling in India, one of the things I missed was AG1. I brought a few travel packs with me, but I quickly ran out. Well, in some sense, I packed to be gone for months, for years, really. I was ready.
I think in order to have a real possibility of adventure, you have to allow yourself mentally, physically, in every way, the possibility of just being gone, maybe forever from your home. including death, accepting the fact that today might be my last day. So all of it taken together, I just threw stuff in the bag, not overthinking it, but also prepared for whatever eventualities the world drew me
toward I had a few travel packs enjoyed them but they were gone quickly and so one of the things that makes me feel like home is when I'm is when I'm able to make a cold drink fill it with AG1 put it in the freezer for maybe 10-20 minutes it's got that like almost slushy like consistency and I could just in the Texas heat sit back and just enjoy AG1 that makes me feel like home
They'll give you one month's supply of fish oil when you sign up at drinkag1.com slash lex. Texas heat not included. This episode is also brought to you by Shopify, a platform designed for anyone to sell anywhere with a great looking online store. I believe at the beginning of this conversation, we tried to take initial steps.
Of course, it's very difficult to do thoroughly, but initial steps in trying to define what is liberalism, what is progressivism, what is conservatism. What is the current state of the left and the right in American politics? I think one of the things he mentioned briefly was capitalism. There's a bit more sort of a skeptical eye towards the excesses and the negative aspects of capitalism.
And of course, I think to some degree, that's valuable. You don't want to run away toward that direction or any direction really too far, being too skeptical of capitalism or too rah-rah, absolute free market, capitalism will save us, capitalism can do no wrong, all of it.
Extreme variations of any ideology I think can get us into trouble, but all of it is a beautiful experiment we'll get to learn from and I think Shopify, to me, in a small sort of philosophical way, represents distributed capitalism where anyone can sell to anyone. One of the troubles you can get into with capitalism is monopolies.
And to make it accessible and easy for people to create their own store and sell to anyone, that's a beautiful thing. Sign up for a $1 per month trial period at Shopify.com slash Lex. That's all lowercase. Go to Shopify.com slash Lex to take your business to the next level today. Like I said, if you're listening or watching this on Spotify, I hope this kind of ad read is okay by you. All right.
This is the Lex Friedman Podcast. And now, dear friends, here's Esther Klein and Derek Thompson. You are both firmly on the left of the US political spectrum. Ezra, I've been a fan of yours for a long time. You're often referred to, at least I think of you as one of the most intellectually rigorous voices on the left.
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Chapter 4: Who are the key players on the political left and right?
The right is very comfortable with a very powerful police and surveillance and national security state. I always think about the sort of Georgia W. Bush era, although right now with ICE agents hassling all kinds of green card holders, you can think about this moment, too. But the right's view that on the one hand, the government is incompetent, and on the other hand, we could send our army back.
across oceans, invade Afghanistan and Iraq, and then rebuild these societies we don't understand into fully functioning liberal democracies that will be our allies, was an extraordinary level of trust in a very big government. I mean, that was expensive. That took manpower. That was, compared to, we're going to set up the Affordable Care Act in America, that took a lot more faith in the U.S.
government being able to do something that was extraordinarily difficult. But the left has more confidence in the government of the Czech, and the right has more confidence in the government of the gun.
You're right. There's some degree to which when the right speaks about the size of government, it's a little bit rhetoric and not actual policy, because they seem to always grow the size of government anyway. They just kind of say small government.
But they don't, you know, in the surveillance state, in the foreign policy in terms of military involvement abroad, and really in every program, they're not very good at cutting either. They just kind of like to say it.
Cutting is really hard. Government spends trillions of dollars. And if you cut billions of dollars, someone is going to feel that pain and they're going to scream. And so you look at defense spending under Reagan, you look at overall spending under Reagan. Reagan might be one of the most archetypally conservative presidents of the last 40, 50 years.
He utterly failed in his attempt to shrink government. Government grew under Reagan. Defense grew, all sorts of programs grew. So I think that one thing we're sort of scrambling around in our answers is that at a really high level, there are differences between liberalism and conservatism in American history. But often at the level of implementation, it can be a little bit messy.
Even Bush's foreign policy that Ezra was describing, sort of from a big sense of American history, is very like Wilsonian, right? This sense of like it's America's duty to go out and change the world. Or to use a current example, McKinleyan. Or McKinley and right. And a lot of people compare Donald Trump's foreign policy to Andrew Jackson. This sense of we need to pull back from the world.
America first. We need to care about what's inside of our borders and care much less about what's outside of our borders. Sometimes the differences between Republican and Democrat administrations don't fall cleanly into the lines of liberal versus conservative because those definitions can be mushy.
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Chapter 5: What is the role of communication in modern politics?
We were just talking off camera about how every age of communications technology revolution clicks into focus a new skill that is suddenly in critical demand for the electorate, right? The world of radio technology is a world in which Franklin Delano Roosevelt can be powerful in a way that he can't be in the 1890s. And then you have the 1950s.
Dwight Eisenhower, 1956, I believe, was the first televised national convention. Famously, the 1960 presidential debates between JFK and Richard Nixon take an election that is leaning toward Nixon and make it an election that's leaning toward JFK because he's so damn handsome and also just electrically compelling on a screen.
We have a new screened technology right now, which is not just television on steroids. It's a different species entirely. And it seems to favor, it seems to provide value for individuals, influencers, and even celebrities and politicians who are good at something like live wire authenticity. They're good at performing authenticity, as paradoxical as that sounds.
Trump is an absolute marvel at performing authenticity, even when the audience somehow acknowledges that he might be bullshitting. He's just an amazing performer for this age. And it speaks to the fact that He seems to be, to borrow Ezra's term, remarkably disinhibited in front of every single audience.
There doesn't seem to be this sort of background algorithm in his head calculating exactly how to craft his message to different audiences. He just seems to be like a live wire animal in front of every audience. And I think that compares very distinctly to the democratic character of bureaucratic caution in our age.
And there is a really important distinction between this vibe of the Trumpian ruler and Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you
and much of my writing is an attempt to do a little bit of a very specific dance. Ezra touched on this, I think, really beautifully. We're in an era right now of anti-institution politics, anti-establishment politics. And Democrats are at risk right now as being seen as the party that always defends institutions, the party that always defends the establishment status quo. And that is...
an absolute death knell, I think, for this century's angry anti-establishment politics. So what we're trying to do is essentially say, here's a way to channel the anger that people have at the establishment, but toward our own ends, right?
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Chapter 6: What is supply-side progressivism?
Mm-hmm.
And so Donald Trump is really excited to do it and maybe loving politicians or not. One thing that we think is that we're in a period of realignment. The last chapter of the book, we talk about an idea that is picked up from a historian named Gary Garstow, which is the idea of political orders.
And political orders are periods that have a sort of structure of consensus and a structure of a zone of conflict. But it's more or less agreed on by the two sides, even if only tacitly. So you have a New Deal order. New Deal order is founded by FDR. It is entrenched when Dwight Eisenhower accepts the New Deal as part of the U.S. proving that it can treat workers better than the Soviet Union.
So those are sort of right there, the three ingredients typically of an order. You have a part of it starts it. A opposition party that accepts key premises, right? Dwight Eisenhower doesn't come in and say, we're going to roll back the whole New Deal. And it's often held in place by an external antagonist, in that case, the Soviet Union.
You have then, in the 70s, stagflation, the Vietnam War, a series of problems that the New Deal order no longer seems able to handle. So you have the rise of what he calls the neoliberal order. And the neoliberal order is, if you're going to choose a founder, it's going to be Reagan on that one, right? It's much more about markets. It is very concerned with things like inflation.
And it really is entrenched by Bill Clinton. You know, the era of big government is over. And partially, it's entrenched also by the fall of the Soviet Union, right? The fall of the Soviet Union is like this proof point that the sort of capitalists were right, that markets are the way of the future. Government does not know what it's doing. And that becomes like the governing set of assumptions.
And so there are arguments about what the markets should be doing, right? You know, Obamacare is about creating sort of markets and health insurance, right? You can use markets for very progressive ends. We want to use markets for lots of progressive ends. But the neoliberal order basically collapses amidst a financial crisis and climate change and China.
And those are the three things that sort of Gerstle, but also separately, we think kill it, which is the neoliberal order does not have an answer to the financial crisis. And it botches, in many ways, the answer to the financial crisis, puts too little demand into the economy, lets a sort of recession linger and a very slow recovery linger for too long.
It doesn't know what to say really about climate change. Markets have made a lot of people rich by doing a lot of things that are very, very damaging for the environment, very damaging for the future of the human race potentially. And you have the rise of China. And the neoliberal order said, you integrate China into the global economy. You bring them into the WTO. You trade with them.
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Chapter 7: How can America address the housing crisis?
And as I kept sort of working myself into a lather and getting mad about the world, I thought, you know, it's actually not just housing. It's clean energy, too.
There's lots of environmentalists who are on my side and believing very fervently in climate change who've made it very difficult to site solar panels or site solar farms or to raise wind turbines or to advance geothermal or to accept nuclear power. We have chosen to make clean energy scarce as well.
And then finally, the ultimate boss of scarcity was the pandemic itself, which constricted the supply of all sorts of goods around the world, setting the price of everything to the moon. And that's why inflation wasn't just an American phenomenon, not just a North American phenomenon. It was a global phenomenon.
And I thought what we need to solve for this crisis of penumbral scarcity is an abundance agenda. an approach towards solving America's problems that puts abundance first. And Ezra and I have a very focused definition of abundance. We believe, we say in the first page of the book, America needs to build and invent more of the things it needs. We believe that housing is critical.
We believe energy is critical. We talk a lot about science and technology. But we really put government effectiveness at the heart of this. Because one really deep vein of our book is a criticism of where liberalism has gone wrong in the last 50 years, where liberalism has gone from, in the New Deal era, a politics of building things.
I mean, FDR and the progressives transformed the physical world, not just with infrastructure projects, but with building roads, the highway system under Dwight Eisenhower. We changed the physical world during the decades, the 1930s to the 1950s. But in the last half century, liberalism has become very good at the politics of blocking rather than the politics of building.
And if you look at the way that liberals define success in the last few decades, it's often about success defined by how much money you can spend rather than how many things you can actually build. I mean, you look at the fact that, for example, in the book, we have so many examples that California authorizes more than $30 billion to build a high-speed rail system, which basically doesn't exist.
Just last week, the mayor of Chicago bragged that they spent $11 billion building 10,000 affordable housing units. That's $1.1 million per affordable housing unit. That's absolutely pathetic.
We have a story in the book about a $1.7 million public toilet built in San Francisco, $1.7 million for a toilet because of all of the rules that get in the way and raise the price of building public infrastructure like public bathrooms in San Francisco and California.
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