
No grand battle. No final blaze of glory. In 476 AD, the Western Roman Empire collapsed not with a roar, but with a quiet abdication. A boy emperor - Romulus Augustulus - handed over the regalia of power in Ravenna, signalling the end of an empire that had once ruled the known world. But how did it come to this?In this episode, the finale of our Fall of Rome miniseries, Tristan Hughes is joined by historian and bestselling author Adrian Goldsworthy to chart the chaotic final decades of the Western Roman Empire. From puppet emperors and ruthless kingmakers like Ricimer to the meteoric rise of Odoacer, discover how political infighting, military mutiny, and foreign ambition brought the Roman West to its knees - and ushered in the age of kings.MORE: Roman Emperors with Mary Beard: https://open.spotify.com/episode/7C7wRHjSPeif9pLD2UZJyY?si=5226c8e7f9584336Presented by Tristan Hughes. Audio editor is Aidan Lonergan, the producer is Joseph Knight. The senior producer is Anne-Marie Luff.All music courtesy of Epidemic SoundsThe Ancients is a History Hit podcast.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe. You can take part in our listener survey here: https://insights.historyhit.com/history-hit-podcast-always-on
Chapter 1: What led to the fall of the Western Roman Empire?
So that context feels really important, isn't it, Adrian? Because in past episodes, we've already covered the general Stilicho and his importance, but then how Honorius, another person, gets in his ear. Stilicho is kind of blamed for one of too many incursions and not being able to defeat them, and then he's assassinated.
So as you say, it's almost who can get the ear of the emperor that will determine policy. And also, as you say, the The generals who are around him, one of them might have his favour at a time, then they might lose his favour, but then that general might react in a bad way if they feel that the emperor has then just betrayed them. So you see all of that happening.
Everybody is frightened. because Honorius does not know who to trust. And if you're one of these senior commanders, you realize, well, maybe I could persuade the Emperor. You know, he doesn't really know much. If I'm convincing, perhaps I'm right. Perhaps, you know, some of these people you feel with Stilicho and some of the others, they genuinely feel they're doing a good job.
And it's human instinct. We feel if we're working hard and we're going well, as far as we're concerned, it's going well. Everybody should realize that. And we're a bit shocked if they don't because they don't know all the details. So there's that distance made much worse by the court situation and by this constant competition. Essentially, if you're at that high level, you can't trust anybody.
Every Roman commander has to look at all his colleagues as rivals, all his juniors as potential rivals. The emperor is looking at these people and thinking, well, if they could find somebody else. Honorius has the strength for a while that there isn't an alternative. There isn't an obvious replacement for him. So that gives you a position of strength.
If these warlords want to remain commanding the army, effectively running the state, there needs to be an emperor as a figurehead that people will accept. You don't want one with such a dodgy claim that a commander elsewhere can easily find somebody just as good. Again, we tend to focus on the big events and the foreign wars, but civil war is something everybody experiences. It's part of life.
It's natural in a way that we find in our era very, very alien.
So if we move on to the death of Honorius in 423, Adrian, aside from, as you say, being this character who seems quite aloof, it's whoever's by the emperor and whispering into his ear and all that paranoia that's around as well. But are there any significant legacies trying to leave Honorius on a positive note that he leaves to the rest of the Roman Empire?
Well, it hasn't gone as bad as things could in the sense that there's always the potential to mess up. He has a long reign by the standards of this period. He's there a long time and surviving that long, even if much of the time you're a puppet.
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Chapter 2: Who was Romulus Augustulus and what was his role in history?
And that's been very clear, which means that anybody with even a reasonable number of armed men at their command becomes a major player. And they're all part of this. But it comes back to this idea that deep down, it's obviously particularly true if you're a member of the imperial family, but even for most Romans, you still believe the only thing is Rome.
That's the only state that there's going to be. That's the only empire there's going to be. And that whatever means you use to get power within that is perfectly legitimate. So you can talk to what groups we would consider to be barbarians and are thought of as hostile and seek support from them in a way that, again, simply is not imaginable earlier. It's just not the way it works.
Keeping on that kind of thematic part of this chat now, Adrian, if we focus on the Roman army, as you say, you've got big figures like Attila at the same time, which is naturally going to weaken the military forces that you have and so on. But is there, as you say, contrasted to centuries earlier where Italians and Romans are very eager to sign up to the army and do their part?
Has that feeling now gone? Is it very much for the emperor or his generals that they are calling in these barbarian groups to do the fighting for them?
It is, but it's been a long-term thing. I mean, even in the first century, you see that drop-off of recruits from Italy joining the legions. The legions are still Roman citizens, but you tend to join the Praetorian Guard or something a lot safer and better paid.
And you don't go into the army and you'll be a Roman, but you'll be from Gaul or from North Africa or from Beirut, one of the big colonies or one of these areas. And there is that trend. There is a big difference. If you look at the infrastructure underlying the army.
So, you know, I'm in South Wales, not far away is Kylian, big fortress, big base, basically a huge garrison town, base of Legio II Augusta, its depot, all of this sort of thing. By the early fourth century, pretty much all of these are abandoned. And forts stay in some areas. When you build new ones, they're much smaller.
And this is a big theme from the fourth century that you're starting to billet troops in cities rather than in their own bases. Now, in the short term, that doesn't sound like a bad thing. But when you start to think about the practical element of it, if you have a large army and a provincial army of 15,000, 20,000, a quarter or more of it cavalry, that's a lot of horses.
Those horses need to be stabled somewhere. If you send them to a city, how many cities have got stabling for a thousand horses, let alone more than that? Where do you break the horses? Where do you train the recruits to ride? Where do you train everybody to fight?
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Chapter 3: How did the power dynamics shift in the late Roman Empire?
He is in many ways. So again, it's gradual. And to characterize them as barbarian, what does that really mean? in this period in that, yes, you have these men who set themselves up as kings and have already done so and are various types of Goths and the like.
But for such a long period, you have had senior leaders in the Roman army who are described as an Alan or a Frank or a Goth or whatever it might be. They don't seem to act any differently from anybody else who has a senior command role in the Roman army. And in many cases, it's a clumsy term, but they're Romanized. They're part of the system. They are not this very alien foreigner standing there.
They are part of it. They're part of how it works. I think the final decision is really what is the point of these puppets rather than They've been changed, particularly in that rapid period. We've talked about in this last phase where you get quick succession, lots of emperors, compared to earlier where they've lasted a long time and there's been that level of stability.
They've actually shown that they can be hard to control. And, you know, that's why you get, end up with the end with you're putting a nephew, a relative as emperor, because you think, well, okay, he's young. I can definitely control him.
The warlords have been making most of the key decisions and they're the only ones that can keep a level of, of defense of military capability that you need because you are threatened on all sides. And just to assert yourself and to make some, you know, the point of anybody listening to you at all. So the emperor has become, wholly a figurehead. You know, there is really nothing they do.
Their personality hasn't mattered beyond do they turn against a general and try and get rid of him or provoke somebody else? Do they favor another one? This sort of thing. Well, that's all they're doing. Anything practical is being done by the man in charge of the army, and the only basis of his power is keeping control of that army.
So there is a clear logic, the point of view of Odoacer, to just do it. Let's put the two jobs together and let's do this.
It's really, in a way, quite sad that ultimately the end of the Western Roman Empire is figures deciding, well, with the emperors at least, with that canonical 4768, what's the point? What's the point of continuing this any further? I mean, would you argue that the Western Roman Empire's fate had long been sealed before that point?
It's such a difficult question to answer to kind of put a particular point, or what could you say to that?
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Chapter 4: What was the significance of Ricimer and other power brokers?
I still can't help thinking of it as a decline. I still can't help thinking of it as a bad thing. I know I'm a bit of a pro-Roman nut, but nevertheless, there is change. There is big, big change. And characterizing that as transformation does rather ignore the scale of it, the extent of it, and the violence of a lot of it.
And the old Roman peace, however much you may say it's not perfect, compared to what follows, to the risk of being raided and having a house burned down by your neighbor, things have changed a lot.
This has been a really interesting chat going through those last emperors and the state of the Roman Empire in the 5th century until that date of 476. Adrian, it just goes for me to say thank you so much for taking the time to come back on the podcast.
Thanks for inviting me again.
Well, there you go. That was best-selling historian Dr. Adrian Goldsworthy wrapping up our Fall of Rome series with a look at the final emperors of the West. From Honorius to Romulus Augustulus, we traced the last desperate decades of imperial rule and asked what the very end really looks like. I hope you enjoyed it.
If you want to hear more from Adrian, be sure to check out his past episodes on the ancients, covering everything from the Parthians to Alexander the Great. We will also be putting out a poll on Spotify for this episode, asking which late Western Roman emperor that we mentioned in today's episode you would like us to dedicate an entire in-depth episode to.
Honorius, Valentinian III, Majorian, or Romulus Augustus? We will do an episode on the winner. If you've missed any of the episodes in this Fall of Rome series, now's a great time to go back and catch up, whether it's to find out more about the internal crises, the so-called barbarians, or the plagues that helped unravel an empire. Thank you for listening to this episode of The Ancients.
Please follow the show on Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts. It really helps us and you'll be doing us a big favour if you leave us a rating as well. We'd really appreciate that. Don't forget you can also listen to us and all of History Hit's podcasts ad-free and watch hundreds of TV documentaries when you subscribe at historyhit.com slash subscribe.
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