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How Latinos found Evangelicalism and Trump

Wed, 22 Jan 2025

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Donald Trump has been re-sworn in as President of the United States. And for this re-ascendency, he owes a thank you to Latino voters, especially Latino evangelicals. They turned out for him in double digits in the last election. So what is it about Latinos, evangelicalism, and Trump's brand of Republicanism that helped tip the White House back in his favor?President and founder of the Public Religion Research Institute, Robert P. Jones, and Axios Justice and Race reporter Russell Contreras join Brittany to get at the root of this shift and what it means for our political future.Support public media and receive ad-free listening & bonus. Join NPR+ today.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

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Transcription

Chapter 1: Why do Hispanics support Trump?

12.918 - 17.539 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

First of all, Hispanics love Trump.

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17.559 - 17.839 Brittany Luce

They do.

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Chapter 2: What explains the Latino vote shift?

24.246 - 46.168 Robert P. Jones

In the wake of the last election, much was made about the so-called, quote unquote, Latino vote. One of the very important keys to Donald Trump's victory was getting a larger share of votes from Latinos. Historically, Latino voters have leaned blue, but this election saw a major shift, with more Latinos than ever voting for Trump.

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48.089 - 55.517 Robert P. Jones

And while this left many pundits puzzled, there's a growing movement that might explain why some Latinos are finding a new home on the right.

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56.438 - 63.164 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

Latino Evangelicals.

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Chapter 3: Who are Latino Evangelicals?

63.825 - 77.38 Robert P. Jones

That service you hear is being led by Pastor Samuel Rodriguez, the president of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference. Pastor Rodriguez is just one of a growing number of church leaders looking to the Latino community to grow his flock.

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77.78 - 95.316 Brittany Luce

Over the last 20 years, white evangelicals have gone from being nearly a quarter of the U.S. population to only 13. And so it's been in that period of white evangelical decline that really, frankly, by necessity, they tried to look, well, where else can we find members?

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95.957 - 106.302 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

You've also had a movement in Latin America and the United States where evangelical charismatic Christians has been very aggressive in the community in recruiting new members.

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Chapter 4: How is the Republican Party courting Latino voters?

106.662 - 125.515 Robert P. Jones

My guests, Robert P. Jones from the Public Religion Research Institute. Great to be here. And Axios justice and race reporter Russell Contreras. Good to be with you. Have been following this shift for a while. Now, let's be clear. No group is a monolith. And the reasons behind these demographic shifts are nuanced, to say the least.

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126.035 - 132.86 Robert P. Jones

But Robert and Russell have noticed some links between the Republican Party and the emerging evangelical movement.

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133.4 - 153.422 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

Some groups are aligned with Republican parties, right-leaning groups, and they can get voting lists. So they can say, okay, let's go to this neighborhood where people have around this income, and let's go to those Latinos or these Spanish surnames who are politically unaffiliated, they refuse to state. Those are ripe for picking.

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153.942 - 159.465 Robert P. Jones

And they have questions about why the evangelical movement has chosen this moment to court its new members.

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159.785 - 169.17 Brittany Luce

Not to be too cynical about it, but why are the doors flying open among many white evangelical churches to Latinos when in the past they've not been open?

169.611 - 185.101 Robert P. Jones

Today, Robert and Russell break down what's at the root of this shift and what it means for our political future. When we talk about Latino evangelicals, what does that group actually look like? They're fairly fluid.

185.181 - 204.887 Brittany Luce

I'm thinking in terms of politics. For example, Latinos as a whole are not as tightly tied to partisan identity as, let's say, white Americans are. So there's a lot more of a fluid situation. But Latino Protestants in particular have been moving toward the Republican Party over the last 10 years. If you look between 2013 and 2023,

207.068 - 222.539 Brittany Luce

the percentage of Latino Protestants who identifies as Republican has more than doubled. Oh, wow. It went from 17% to 37%. And that's a really different picture than, say, among Latino Catholics, among whom 44% are Democrats rather than Republicans.

222.819 - 245.522 Robert P. Jones

You know, that's so interesting because when I think of Latinos in America, I usually think of the Catholic Church. But I read that as of 2022, only 43% of US Hispanic adults identified as Catholic. And that number is down quite a bit from 67% in 2010. And it looks like this turn to evangelism is part of that decline.

Chapter 5: What is the significance of charismatic churches?

356.786 - 376.999 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

There's a powerful response where people are saying, amen, keep going. We got your back. It's a very powerful experience if you feel alienated, if you feel marginalized, and then you go into a storefront where everybody is holding you up and saying you're doing the right thing. It's a very powerful experience that can transcend generations.

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377.219 - 396.186 Brittany Luce

Wow. The one thing I would add here too, is that it's an entrepreneurial space, particularly for Latino leaders, right? So if you think about what does it take to be a Catholic priest, right? Well, it takes years of seminary and it takes getting approved by a bishop. There's structures in place that you have to kind of do, but what does it take to be a pastor?

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396.446 - 409.65 Brittany Luce

Sometimes your credentials are the experience people have of you being baptized by the spirit. So it means that it is a kind of open entrepreneurial space where leaders can gather a flock and open up a church.

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410.391 - 432.837 Robert P. Jones

Robert, you were quoted in a piece by Russell, and you said that a big reason why so many Latinos are joining the evangelical church is maybe not Americanization as like the driving force, but like it is some type of outcome. There's Americanization wrapped up in this transition or in this shift. Talk to us about how the church might offer or symbolize Americanization for

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433.226 - 435.777 Robert P. Jones

to new members or people who are going to be joining?

436.431 - 452.997 Brittany Luce

Well, in many ways, you know, the sort of evangelical experience, you know, is something that really did come of age in the American context, right? So that kind of white, predominant evangelical way of being Christian is a kind of American phenomenon.

453.478 - 460.34 Robert P. Jones

Absolutely. I'm from Michigan, and it's very popular across my state, but also popular in the South, but also popular out West.

460.68 - 482.812 Brittany Luce

Yeah. And then wrapped up in it, too, I think is often a strain of... of kind of aspirational upward mobility that's kind of compatible with this idea of the american dream right and so i think that's also wrapped up in it and it sometimes gets wrapped up theologically in a kind of health and wealth gospel so that there is a kind of upward mobility path to success

483.772 - 497.238 Brittany Luce

good family, health and well-being, along with economic success. Those are very, I think, American ideals as a package. Yes, right. All wrapped up with a kind of deep theological foundation altogether.

Chapter 6: How does Americanization play a role in this shift?

605.766 - 626.617 Robert P. Jones

More on that and what it means for our political future, up next. You know, you all discussed two major views of Jesus that you're seeing within the Latino evangelical community. How do these two major views of Jesus shape the politics of Latino evangelicals overall?

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627.159 - 650.185 Brittany Luce

Well, maybe one way of kind of seeing this clearly is to look again at the difference between Latino Protestants and Latino Catholics here, you know, in terms of politics, just to sharpen this up. So in the last election cycle, PRI's post-election survey showed that among Latino Protestants, 64% of them gave their votes to Trump. All right. Nearly two thirds voted for Trump.

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650.705 - 670.257 Brittany Luce

If you compare that to Latino Catholics, it's only 43%. of Latino Catholics who voted for Trump. In fact, 55% of Latino Catholics voted for Harris. So you see this kind of divide in the politics. You can see it on issues as well. So on abortion, for example, there's a big divide between Latino Catholics and Latino Protestants.

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670.417 - 687.264 Brittany Luce

Only 41% of Latino Protestants support the legality of abortion, but 58% of Latino Catholics support the legality of abortion. So there's this big divide. So, you know, both of these groups believe in Jesus. Both of these groups are Christian, right?

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687.384 - 699.946 Brittany Luce

But it's the way that kind of that cultural and the kind of evangelical Catholic split kind of really refracts those same religious beliefs into very different political directions.

700.346 - 715.638 Robert P. Jones

Wow. Wow. Wow. Wow. So Obviously, a big part of evangelical Christianity is, you know, going out and telling the good news. But how are these evangelical churches attracting so many new members? Talk to me about those tactics.

715.758 - 735.562 Brittany Luce

Well, some of it's good old fashioned shoe leather. some evangelical churches do this on a weekly basis, kind of send people out to neighborhoods to knock on doors, leave brochures, you know, and there's also a really powerful digital space now that it's grown up over the last, you know, 50 years to accompany these kinds of older, older methods. There's also some micro targeting.

736.003 - 757.272 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

Yeah. Some groups are aligned with Republican parties, right-leaning groups, and they can get voting lists so they can say, okay, let's go to this neighborhood and, where people have around this income. And let's go to those Latinos or these Spanish surnames who are politically unaffiliated. They refuse to state. Those are ripe for picking. So they'll go.

757.392 - 777.441 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

And I've got to say, as a journalist, I do not register for any political party, to be fair. But because I'm in a certain neighborhood and I'm not, I'm a politically independent, my door is constantly getting knocks from various churches. Hey, We noticed that, you know, you're not a member of our church. Are you a member of any church? They want to have those conversations.

Chapter 7: What are the implications of the prosperity gospel?

798.621 - 820.217 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

I want to get more of that juice. I like the way that tastes. Where can I go to get more of this? Glad you asked. We're having a service on Sundays and Wednesdays. Why don't you come down and bring your wife? Little things like that. It's a combination of mark or targeting, an old-fashioned word of mouth. That mark or targeting, to me, I think is very efficient and has been very successful.

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820.817 - 839.029 Robert P. Jones

How do they find this stuff out? You mentioned voter lists, but you can't pick up all that information simply from a voter list. Where are they getting all this information from? Some of this we've willingly given out on social media. We've put it out there. So they'll find you on social media and then just see how many kids you have, where you live.

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839.069 - 848.074 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

But you buy this stuff online. There's data companies who can sell you this stuff. And this is what corporations do. So they'll know... your name.

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848.315 - 851.157 Robert P. Jones

Wait, yeah, no, I was just going to say, I know corporations do it.

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851.277 - 852.698 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

I know our government does it. Right.

852.778 - 855.541 Robert P. Jones

But churches buy that kind of data on people too? Why not?

855.821 - 857.242 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

They're in a market space.

857.523 - 858.083 Robert P. Jones

What?

858.403 - 867.951 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

They're in the market for souls. Your soul is a consumer. They need that to fulfill their bottom line. That data is oil. They need that information.

Chapter 8: How is the Latino Evangelical community evolving?

896.91 - 916.144 Robert P. Jones

Obviously, being a Latino in America is like an extremely diverse group of people. And so I'm wondering, how do Latino evangelicals measure, in some cases, perhaps their own vulnerabilities against the rhetoric that's coming out of some of these churches and the rhetoric that's coming out of the Republican Party.

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916.86 - 937.947 Brittany Luce

I can jump in some numbers here. So when we looked at going into the election, and here again, there are huge differences between Latino Protestants and Latino Catholics. So what we found is that while all Latinos were rated like jobs, rising costs, like economic issues were like at the top of the heap for critical issues for voting in this election cycle.

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937.967 - 957.435 Brittany Luce

I think we haven't talked about that a lot, but I think that's important. that those issues loomed larger than anything else. So they may have eclipsed in some ways some of the rhetoric around immigration. But when we look at Latino Protestants and Latino Catholics, we see this very different view. So Latino Catholics, we'll start with them, very supportive of DACA.

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958.155 - 976.275 Brittany Luce

very opposed to building a wall. So they're very consistent on this part. Latino Protestants are a lot more divided. Divided? Okay. They're supportive of DACA, about six and 10 support DACA, but on building a wall, they're essentially divided on that issue almost evenly. As many support it, as opposed it.

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976.355 - 990.101 Brittany Luce

So when you hear that rhetoric around building a wall, it doesn't necessarily resonate in a negative way among Latino Protestants in the way that it does among other Latinos like Catholics or the unaffiliated. Interesting.

990.221 - 1011.972 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

And in that space, they're also saying or believing that they're not talking about me. I think we've lumped all the Latino groups into one and call them Latinos and just dismiss their various experiences that you just showed and suggested. that there are divisions. So a lot of times when this rhetoric comes out, it plays right into our own prejudices.

1013.033 - 1018.015 Robert P. Jones

Hmm. What does this change mean for the political future of the United States?

1018.556 - 1040.49 Brittany Luce

I would say I think it should not be over read as some permanent tectonic change. The most notable thing about Latinos compared to particularly compared to white Americans who tend to be fairly ossified in their political persuasions. The fluidity among Latinos, both Protestant and Catholic, means that this group really is more up for grabs.

1040.83 - 1053.56 Russell Contreras (Senior Reporter at Axios)

It's also warning signs to Democrats. They can't be doing what they used to do. Get out the vote, get the Latinos vote, and they're going to vote for us anyway. They're going to have to engage. And when they engage, they're going to have to hear some things they may not like about their platform.

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