The Tucker Carlson Show
Harmeet Dhillon’s War on the Discrimination Against White Christians and DOJ Corruption
Wed, 21 May 2025
For decades, big city mayors have hired public employees based on race. That’s illegal but nobody’s stopped them. Then Harmeet Dhillon took over the civil rights division at DoJ. (00:00) Intro (01:20) The Grim Reality Dhillon Was Faced With After Entering the DOJ (04:24) The DOJ Lawyers Who Actually Cried After Trump’s Election (12:05) Dhillon’s Mission to End Discrimination Against White Christian Men (28:32) Is Dhillon Worried About Being Trapped by Deep State Actors? (40:39) The Crimes of Biden’s DOJ Paid partnerships with: ExpressVPN: Go to https://ExpressVPN.com/Tucker and find out how you can get 4 months of ExpressVPN free! Policygenius: Head to at https://Policygenius.com/Tucker to see how much you could save Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Chapter 1: What challenges did Harmeet Dhillon face when entering the DOJ?
They cried? Brandon Johnson, mayor of Chicago, tell us how he appeared on your radar.
He said the quiet part out loud, which is I hire mainly black people for the positions of authority.
That's the environment that produced Brandon Johnson, where you could just like openly be racist. No, I don't like Jews. I don't like whites. I don't like blacks. Who talks like that?
Chapter 2: Why did DOJ lawyers react emotionally after Trump's election?
$200 million in some cases is what it costs a city or a county to comply with a decade long consent decree.
So in the end, the lawyers get rich and more people get shot to death.
That is correct.
it's just so evil. It makes you think like, maybe we just burn the system down and start again. Thank you, Harmeet. Your assistant attorney general, one of the greatest appointments from my perspective in this administration, running the Civil Rights Division. What was it like when you showed up? What did you find when you got there?
Well, Tucker, first I'll say thank you for having me here. The Civil Rights Division is the sort of the color revolution wing of the Department of Justice. You know, whether it's a Republican or a Democrat administration, there are career lawyers who are very focused on a particular agenda there.
And so, uh, when I showed up or when I was, when the president was elected, I should say there are over 400 attorneys in the civil rights division and, uh, about 200 staff. So total of about 600 people. And, you know, Kristen Clark, my predecessor, um, anti-police, uh, you know, open racist, uh, you know, got in trouble during her term for, uh,
not being candid with the Senate during her confirmation hearings on some issues. And so she had a particular agenda. She got in there and she pursued that agenda aggressively. And she had all the staff to do it. Now, under the first Trump administration, my predecessor in that job pretty much left it untouched. You know, he told me kind of like there were career people there.
If you wanted to get something done, they went to the U.S. attorney's offices. Well, you know, I came in with a different perspective. I think it's part of the promise of this administration under President Trump to fundamentally reform the government in the way that the people voted for.
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Chapter 3: What is Dhillon's mission regarding discrimination against white Christians?
And so that means in the Civil Rights Division, we should be standing up for the civil rights of all Americans, not just some Americans. We shouldn't be weaponizing the law in a particular way. We should apply those federal civil rights statutes that many of which were passed by and signed by Republican presidents and Republican administrations.
And the government shouldn't be putting its heavy thumb on the scale in most cases, but in egregious instances, we should step forward and right these wrongs. But what I found there was a number of lawyers, I mean, hundreds of lawyers who were actively in resistance mode. There were memos out there by former government lawyers telling current government lawyers in my department how to resist.
If you're given a direct order, ask for clarification, send 20 emails, question it, slow down your response time, say it can't be done. So I was actually looking out for that when I came. And
i did my week of training after getting uh confirmed by the senate and then the next week i was like okay guys it's time to get to business i want everyone to be very clear what the agenda is here so there are 11 sections in civil rights and i drafted memos for each of those 11 sections for the lawyers and telling them these are the statutes so for example americans with disabilities act this is a statute that we enforce or title vii anti-discrimination or some of the other federal civil rights statutes and then
So that's the baseline. And then this is the president's agenda. These are his executive orders that he's put out there about anti-discrimination, about anti-DEI, about enforcing our laws equally. And that's the job. You're going to apply these statutes within the framework of anti-discrimination, even-handedly, and without fear or favor.
And this catalyzed hundreds of lawyers to quit the Civil Rights Division.
Wait, they quit because you informed them of the law?
Yes. And the law and the priorities, their pet projects had changed. They weren't going to be able to do those the way that they wanted.
So they thought that this part of the Department of Justice was just immune to democracy? It has been. Elections just had no bearing on this?
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Chapter 4: Is Harmeet Dhillon concerned about being targeted by the deep state?
These are 30, 40, and 50-year-old career attorneys in the Department of Justice. That's pathetic. It's different. I come from the private sector, as you know. Over 30 years in the private sector, 18 years successfully running my own law firm, and you get to work, and you put things together, and if it's not working out, you change tax, and you try something else. But there's no...
There's no accountability. And so that that really has been kind of an eye opener of dealing with that culture. But we're trying to change it. There's there are people left behind and I actually don't care what their politics are. They can have their views, I believe, in the First Amendment. The question is, are you willing to do the job under the job description as set out by this administration?
After all, the DOJ is part of the executive branch. The president gets to pick the top people running it and he kind of gets to set the agenda.
You half your lawyers quit.
Yeah, that's right.
Who'd you replace them with?
So we are in a doge period here in the government. And so I haven't replaced the people who've quit as yet. So we're making do with who's left behind, some of whom share the views of the ones who left, but perhaps weren't as able to get jobs outside and some who I think are willing to work with us.
So my understanding was doge was going to be applied to like the fat in government, right? But like DOJ is kind of central institution in the country and having lawyers who can equally apply the law and sort of end lawfare, be honest and principled, that's important.
Oh, I think it's very important. And, you know, I've spoken to the attorney general about it, and I'm confident that soon we'll be able to hire some lawyers who are down with the program of getting the job done for the American people. So I'm looking forward to that troop coming in. But for now, I have some political appointees who are extremely dedicated and passionate.
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Chapter 5: What are the alleged crimes of Biden's DOJ?
These are all indications.
Yeah, these are all leading indicators of, you know, the stages of grief. And so one of the former attorneys goes on MSNBC regularly and, you know, kind of vents about the storied civil rights division of the DOJ is being destroyed. Someone heckled me at the DMV when I was waiting to get my... driver's license.
So, you know, it is cutting to the core of the liberal ethos that we're actually trying to apply these civil rights laws, which I believe in, in an even handed way.
Yeah, equally. Equally. Because we're all American citizens.
That's right. Equal protection. It means equal for all. Yeah. Yeah, you would think.
Well, you would think. And actually, I'm laughing, but it's terrifying what's been happening there. And I'm truly grateful that you're there. So, Brandon Johnson, mayor of Chicago. Yes. Tell us how he appeared on your radar and what the response is.
Well, so first of all, I'm thankful for Elon Musk purchasing Twitter, which I sued a few times before he did that. And now it's where I get a lot of my news. Of course, you and everyone else. And so I get criticized by the mainstream media, if you will, for being perpetually online.
But that's actually where I see a lot of the civil rights violations in our country being exposed because people, elected officials in our country feel very comfortable. acting with impunity and stating with impunity that they're going to discriminate. And so he said the quiet part out loud, which is in Chicago, according to his words, I hire mainly black people for the positions of authority.
And then he listed out, he was at a church and he was in At a church, he said that? At a church. And, you know, I had a media reach out to me.
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Chapter 6: How does the DOJ's consent decree impact cities?
What are the data supporting your conclusion? How do you account for variables like... What are the high crime areas? I mean, are the high crime areas racially different than the population of the city? These lawyers did not have answers. It was embarrassing. And so the judge refused to enter the consent decree in Louisville and sent the DOJ back and said, I need your answers. Guess what?
This is days before the administration is about to turn over. So we've asked for a couple of continuances. So...
What are the criteria that government lawyers use to like reach the conclusion that there's systemic racism that requires a dissent decree? Like, I don't really understand. It's one thing to say in an MSNBC segment, there's systemic racism. But if you're a Civil Rights Division attorney, you have to prove it, correct?
You should have to prove it. But as I said, no jury has ever agreed with the DOJ. But what are the measures?
Since racism is an attitude that can have manifestations, of course, but it's really like a mindset... How do you prove that?
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Chapter 7: What does Harmeet Dhillon say about systemic racism in police departments?
Well, so we have, of course, being the government, we have statisticians on our staff at the Department of Justice. I was surprised to show up. I was thinking, oh my gosh, let me look at all these lawyers. What is their trial experience? Oh, there's a PhD in statistics here. That's going to be really useful in court. But they could be, by the way. There are cases.
So properly deployed, they could be. But if you never have to prove your case, You never have to use them. You simply beat people over the head with a statistics book. And so that's what's happened here. So I'll give you an example. Memphis, Tennessee is one of the cities that the outgoing Department of Justice issued some pretty lurid-looking factual findings in.
And so when you start reading it, you look at, hey, the findings are Memphis is racist and their arrest rates of African-Americans are disproportionate. I'm sorry, let me just say...
Anyone who's been to Memphis, it's such a wonderful place. I love Memphis. But if you come away thinking, you know, the real problem in Memphis is racism, then you're a liar.
Well, so Memphis is majority black. Yes. The police force is majority black. Yes. And guess what? The homeless population, which is the subject of this consent decree finding, pre-consent decree finding, is majority Black.
And so the idea that there's disproportionate arrests of, you know, people who are on the street and, you know, potentially committing crimes as racists, Black cops, Black population, and Black homeless population. How do you reach that conclusion that racism, you have to reach that conclusion because you are biased yourself. And the lens that you're looking through is a lens seeking racism.
And if that's what you're seeking, that's what you find in each of these cities. And that is what they found in each of these cities.
It's like the ANC or something. But, you know, in the end, like Memphis also has not only the country's highest murder rate or one of them, like the worst schools and like contaminated water and crumbling housing stock and like no businesses. And there's so many problems. And if you just think it's like white people are the problem, nothing ever gets fixed.
Well, that's the problem with these consent decrees. And so we examine these and look, one of the things people need to understand as a lawyer, when I go into federal court and my name as the assistant attorney general for civil rights is on all of these documents that we file in court. Sometimes the attorney general's name is on it as well.
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