Zack Beauchamp

Yeah, yeah. See, we're so tolerant. We've made the country safe for Jews. And that, you know, that figure of Jewish allies is really useful because anti-Semitism now, after World War II, explicit racial anti-Semitism is a real no-no in a lot of places because of the legacy of Nazism. Sounding like a Nazi is politically very bad for you. It fractures your coalition. It makes you look harmful.

Yeah, yeah. See, we're so tolerant. We've made the country safe for Jews. And that, you know, that figure of Jewish allies is really useful because anti-Semitism now, after World War II, explicit racial anti-Semitism is a real no-no in a lot of places because of the legacy of Nazism. Sounding like a Nazi is politically very bad for you. It fractures your coalition. It makes you look harmful.

And yet there are lots of Nazis who or people who at least have Nazi aligned beliefs about race science, about Jews who are in the Trump coalition. So they're playing a game. And the game goes something like this. It's we can use our opposition to the pro-Palestine movement and to the elements of those movements that are themselves anti-Semitism.

And yet there are lots of Nazis who or people who at least have Nazi aligned beliefs about race science, about Jews who are in the Trump coalition. So they're playing a game. And the game goes something like this. It's we can use our opposition to the pro-Palestine movement and to the elements of those movements that are themselves anti-Semitism.

Anti-Semitism exists in all different political movements in different degrees. And we can use it as proof that though we're associated with those people, you can't tar us with the Nazi slur that is so often directed at right-wing political movements. Right. In fact, we can appropriate the power of anti-Semitism as a justification for power grab.

Anti-Semitism exists in all different political movements in different degrees. And we can use it as proof that though we're associated with those people, you can't tar us with the Nazi slur that is so often directed at right-wing political movements. Right. In fact, we can appropriate the power of anti-Semitism as a justification for power grab.

And then the flip side of this, of course, is that these power grabs target institutions and even arguably the sort of entire liberal ideology that has been the cornerstone of American Jewish flourishing. Andrew, what's your take on that?

And then the flip side of this, of course, is that these power grabs target institutions and even arguably the sort of entire liberal ideology that has been the cornerstone of American Jewish flourishing. Andrew, what's your take on that?

Yeah.

Yeah.

Yeah, so I think that's exact evidence that they're failing. In fact, that's the reason why they're failing. So what they're trying to do is to make a show of exacting costs on dissidents. And what that's supposed to do is to chill dissents. Only it's not working.

Yeah, so I think that's exact evidence that they're failing. In fact, that's the reason why they're failing. So what they're trying to do is to make a show of exacting costs on dissidents. And what that's supposed to do is to chill dissents. Only it's not working.

The people that they are targeting, they're winning in court, and then they're able to publicly say, we're not going to be quiet about this. We're not going to stop. That is what it looks like when these kinds of tactics fail, when they're checked. They exist inside a system where there is still a meaningful degree of rule of law.

The people that they are targeting, they're winning in court, and then they're able to publicly say, we're not going to be quiet about this. We're not going to stop. That is what it looks like when these kinds of tactics fail, when they're checked. They exist inside a system where there is still a meaningful degree of rule of law.

Had they done just what Viktor Orban did in Hungary, right, done this all through very subtle, sophisticated legal machinations, that would have been a more effective strategy. But what happened is they make a big show out of it. They send Kristi Noem to do these really disturbing photo ops. They publicly abduct people on the street with, you know, masked men.

Had they done just what Viktor Orban did in Hungary, right, done this all through very subtle, sophisticated legal machinations, that would have been a more effective strategy. But what happened is they make a big show out of it. They send Kristi Noem to do these really disturbing photo ops. They publicly abduct people on the street with, you know, masked men.

And when you do those things, you send a signal that what you're doing is authoritarianism. What you're doing is terrifying. And if you haven't consolidated control at that point, and you have a country that has really strong democratic institutions and a large section of the public that cares about those, you invite resistance.

And when you do those things, you send a signal that what you're doing is authoritarianism. What you're doing is terrifying. And if you haven't consolidated control at that point, and you have a country that has really strong democratic institutions and a large section of the public that cares about those, you invite resistance.

I wrote a piece that basically said there are two strategies in Trump's authoritarianism. There's the Orban's sophisticated, subtle strategy. And then there's Trump's own desires, which is to be someone like Nayib Bukele, who rules openly, does whatever he wants, iron fist kind of ruling.

I wrote a piece that basically said there are two strategies in Trump's authoritarianism. There's the Orban's sophisticated, subtle strategy. And then there's Trump's own desires, which is to be someone like Nayib Bukele, who rules openly, does whatever he wants, iron fist kind of ruling.