Senator John Thune

It's, you know, having biological males as the opponents of young women is both fundamentally unfair and it's potentially dangerous, honestly. And so, you know, Coach Tuberville, Tommy Tuberville, the senator from Alabama, led this on the floor. We had a vote on it last night, and you are correct. Every single Democrat to the person voted against it.

It's, you know, having biological males as the opponents of young women is both fundamentally unfair and it's potentially dangerous, honestly. And so, you know, Coach Tuberville, Tommy Tuberville, the senator from Alabama, led this on the floor. We had a vote on it last night, and you are correct. Every single Democrat to the person voted against it.

And it's an 80-20 issue, as you point out, with the American people. I just can't explain it. I think there was no lesson learned from the election. I think it's common sense issues like this that the American people expect their leaders to act on, and they just block voted against it. What can you say?

And it's an 80-20 issue, as you point out, with the American people. I just can't explain it. I think there was no lesson learned from the election. I think it's common sense issues like this that the American people expect their leaders to act on, and they just block voted against it. What can you say?

Yeah, I mean, I think that's really honestly the assumptions of it. You know, you could say that the bill could be changed this year or that way, but it's really very straightforward. And, you know, I mean, and there was a day when Democrats would have been, you know, quick to defend Title IX, and here we are.

Yeah, I mean, I think that's really honestly the assumptions of it. You know, you could say that the bill could be changed this year or that way, but it's really very straightforward. And, you know, I mean, and there was a day when Democrats would have been, you know, quick to defend Title IX, and here we are.

But, you know, I mean, this is, again, I mentioned this on the floor yesterday, but I had a business professor in graduate school who used to say some things are just intuitively obvious. And I think this is one of those things that's intuitively obvious to people. And I know something I obviously feel strongly about.

But, you know, I mean, this is, again, I mentioned this on the floor yesterday, but I had a business professor in graduate school who used to say some things are just intuitively obvious. And I think this is one of those things that's intuitively obvious to people. And I know something I obviously feel strongly about.

I'm, as a father of two women who played sports and, you know, one of whom is in our high school and college Hall of Fame, I just, I can't imagine a world where you would have guys competing against women and taking away opportunities, not only to excel in their field and their sport, but also for college scholarships and things that, this has serious downstream consequences

I'm, as a father of two women who played sports and, you know, one of whom is in our high school and college Hall of Fame, I just, I can't imagine a world where you would have guys competing against women and taking away opportunities, not only to excel in their field and their sport, but also for college scholarships and things that, this has serious downstream consequences

But the Democrats, on a substance level, on a political level, seem to have made a decision that they would rather defend, again, an ideology that is completely out of step with the American people.

But the Democrats, on a substance level, on a political level, seem to have made a decision that they would rather defend, again, an ideology that is completely out of step with the American people.

Yeah, I know it's hard. It's an inside baseball thing here. It's, it's unique to the United States Senate, but under, uh, under our rules in the Senate, and this was kind of the system that the founders handed us, it takes a super majority to do almost anything consequential. And, um, and this is, so it's 60 votes in the Senate is required to move legislation with very few exceptions.

Yeah, I know it's hard. It's an inside baseball thing here. It's, it's unique to the United States Senate, but under, uh, under our rules in the Senate, and this was kind of the system that the founders handed us, it takes a super majority to do almost anything consequential. And, um, and this is, so it's 60 votes in the Senate is required to move legislation with very few exceptions.

And one of the things we're working on right now, you've probably heard your, your listeners have probably heard too. the president talk about budget reconciliation.

And one of the things we're working on right now, you've probably heard your, your listeners have probably heard too. the president talk about budget reconciliation.

When you have unified control of the government, in other words, the House, the Senate, and the White House, there are things you can do at 51 votes in the Senate that you otherwise wouldn't be able to do through a procedure that is, again, unique to the Senate. But on most issues, and this is an issue where, you know, again, it's a bill that we put in front of the Senate.

When you have unified control of the government, in other words, the House, the Senate, and the White House, there are things you can do at 51 votes in the Senate that you otherwise wouldn't be able to do through a procedure that is, again, unique to the Senate. But on most issues, and this is an issue where, you know, again, it's a bill that we put in front of the Senate.

And this, honestly, this was just a motion to proceed to the bill. This wasn't even the, this was just to get on it, just to debate it. They voted against even having a debate about it, and that takes 60 as well. So it's a 60-vote threshold, and I know that's, for most Americans, everybody's like, well, isn't 51 a majority in the Senate?

And this, honestly, this was just a motion to proceed to the bill. This wasn't even the, this was just to get on it, just to debate it. They voted against even having a debate about it, and that takes 60 as well. So it's a 60-vote threshold, and I know that's, for most Americans, everybody's like, well, isn't 51 a majority in the Senate?

The answer is yes, but the rules of the Senate and the history and heritage of the Senate is such that it requires a supermajority on most legislation.

The answer is yes, but the rules of the Senate and the history and heritage of the Senate is such that it requires a supermajority on most legislation.

It's a long list, and we are going to do everything we can and push the limits of what's allowable. Um, you know, there are, there are limitations on how it can be used, but the Democrats expanded the scope of reconciliation. They passed two major, major, you know, $3 trillion worth of new spending.

It's a long list, and we are going to do everything we can and push the limits of what's allowable. Um, you know, there are, there are limitations on how it can be used, but the Democrats expanded the scope of reconciliation. They passed two major, major, you know, $3 trillion worth of new spending.

into reconciliation bills when they had unified control of the government, when they had House, Senate, White House. So they've given us a template for how to do it. Obviously, we have a very different agenda than what they wanted to do, but we're united. We want to enact all of President Trump's priorities as quickly as possible, and that deals with the border, securing the borders.

into reconciliation bills when they had unified control of the government, when they had House, Senate, White House. So they've given us a template for how to do it. Obviously, we have a very different agenda than what they wanted to do, but we're united. We want to enact all of President Trump's priorities as quickly as possible, and that deals with the border, securing the borders.

It's bolstering our national defense. It's restoring American energy dominance and preventing a $4 trillion tax increase at the end of the year on the American people.

It's bolstering our national defense. It's restoring American energy dominance and preventing a $4 trillion tax increase at the end of the year on the American people.

So, you know, we believe, and I say Senate Republicans believe, and I think the President does too, and hopefully the House will get there, to make these tax cuts permanent so we don't have to go back and deal with it again down the road.

So, you know, we believe, and I say Senate Republicans believe, and I think the President does too, and hopefully the House will get there, to make these tax cuts permanent so we don't have to go back and deal with it again down the road.

But we're here, and the Senate's ready to enact as much of the President's agenda as we can through budget reconciliation, and that entails all the things I just mentioned, and I hope that...

But we're here, and the Senate's ready to enact as much of the President's agenda as we can through budget reconciliation, and that entails all the things I just mentioned, and I hope that...

As we work through this process, we will be as aggressive as we possibly can to use that opportunity at a 51-vote threshold in the Senate as opposed to 60 to get as much of the president's agenda done as possible.

As we work through this process, we will be as aggressive as we possibly can to use that opportunity at a 51-vote threshold in the Senate as opposed to 60 to get as much of the president's agenda done as possible.

I think it's Easter is probably ambitious, I would say, but I think that, um, as we look at the kind of the May timeframe, obviously we got a deadline in a week after next March 14th, we've got to deal with all the crap. The Democrats left us on the pile up of spending. They didn't do any spending bills last year.

I think it's Easter is probably ambitious, I would say, but I think that, um, as we look at the kind of the May timeframe, obviously we got a deadline in a week after next March 14th, we've got to deal with all the crap. The Democrats left us on the pile up of spending. They didn't do any spending bills last year.

And so we're up against this deadline and we've got to fund the government or the government shuts down. So that's the immediate concern. But then the reconciliation bill starts with a budget resolution. Both the house and Senate have to pass the same one. And right now we've passed budget resolutions, but they're different, but we'll have to, we'll align those and then we will both act on it.

And so we're up against this deadline and we've got to fund the government or the government shuts down. So that's the immediate concern. But then the reconciliation bill starts with a budget resolution. Both the house and Senate have to pass the same one. And right now we've passed budget resolutions, but they're different, but we'll have to, we'll align those and then we will both act on it.

And then that creates that unlocks reconciliation, but reconciliation is another separate. big piece of legislation. And so it's really kind of a two-step process and it takes some time and these are complicated issues. I mean, the president wants some things done in tax policy.

And then that creates that unlocks reconciliation, but reconciliation is another separate. big piece of legislation. And so it's really kind of a two-step process and it takes some time and these are complicated issues. I mean, the president wants some things done in tax policy.

Uh, we've got a lot of senators and house members who want to see things done in tax policy that are different than, uh, what's in front of us in terms of just, you know, a strict extension of the, of the current bill or the current tax policy. But there are all these things as we move through and these moving parts and the, and ultimately I tell people when they ask me, can you do this?

Uh, we've got a lot of senators and house members who want to see things done in tax policy that are different than, uh, what's in front of us in terms of just, you know, a strict extension of the, of the current bill or the current tax policy. But there are all these things as we move through and these moving parts and the, and ultimately I tell people when they ask me, can you do this?

Can you do that? Then in the end, it really comes down to the two numbers that matter, 218 and 51. You've got to have 218 in the House. You've got to have a simple majority there. And even under reconciliation, you still have to have 51 votes in the Senate. So that's the math of it.

Can you do that? Then in the end, it really comes down to the two numbers that matter, 218 and 51. You've got to have 218 in the House. You've got to have a simple majority there. And even under reconciliation, you still have to have 51 votes in the Senate. So that's the math of it.

And as we think through what we can do and can't do, it's a function of trying to figure out how do we get this thing in a shape, whatever this bill looks like, that it can secure the necessary 218 in the House and 51 in the Senate.

And as we think through what we can do and can't do, it's a function of trying to figure out how do we get this thing in a shape, whatever this bill looks like, that it can secure the necessary 218 in the House and 51 in the Senate.

Yeah, I mean, I think they will. The Democrats are... I mean, they're still in, um, the stages of grief and, uh, they're, they're, they're really, I don't, they, they're trying to find a message. They're trying to get some traction with something. And so far, all it is is whatever he's for, I'm going to be against.

Yeah, I mean, I think they will. The Democrats are... I mean, they're still in, um, the stages of grief and, uh, they're, they're, they're really, I don't, they, they're trying to find a message. They're trying to get some traction with something. And so far, all it is is whatever he's for, I'm going to be against.

I think that, you know, Democrats right now are afflicted with a really, really bad case of Trump derangement syndrome. And so my assumption is that when they come tonight, uh, they're going to try and be disruptive. And, and, uh, but you know, at the end of the day, I think the American people, that's not what they want to see.

I think that, you know, Democrats right now are afflicted with a really, really bad case of Trump derangement syndrome. And so my assumption is that when they come tonight, uh, they're going to try and be disruptive. And, and, uh, but you know, at the end of the day, I think the American people, that's not what they want to see.

I don't think they want to see a bunch of lefty ideologues who can't even bring themselves to vote to keep boys out of girls' sports, you know, creating a ruckus and disruptive to the president of the United States, who I think will be there to talk about after four years of, you know, rising costs, laws at the southern border, weakening of America on the world stage, going to be talking about turning the page and get our country back on track.

I don't think they want to see a bunch of lefty ideologues who can't even bring themselves to vote to keep boys out of girls' sports, you know, creating a ruckus and disruptive to the president of the United States, who I think will be there to talk about after four years of, you know, rising costs, laws at the southern border, weakening of America on the world stage, going to be talking about turning the page and get our country back on track.

And I think it's a The president has a great opportunity to present to the American people how things are going to be in his second term and what his priorities are relative to the last four years under Biden. And you can just look already at what they've done at the southern border.

And I think it's a The president has a great opportunity to present to the American people how things are going to be in his second term and what his priorities are relative to the last four years under Biden. And you can just look already at what they've done at the southern border.

I mean, the top issue in the last election and this administration has been returning order in a short amount of time. Think about the month of February. There were fewer than 9000 crossings at the southern border under Trump. That was a typical day under under Biden. I mean, this is how dramatically things have changed already as a result of President Trump's leadership.

I mean, the top issue in the last election and this administration has been returning order in a short amount of time. Think about the month of February. There were fewer than 9000 crossings at the southern border under Trump. That was a typical day under under Biden. I mean, this is how dramatically things have changed already as a result of President Trump's leadership.

And we want to be good partners for him and do as much as we can to get his agenda across the finish line, which is why we worked really hard to get his cabinet confirmed as quickly as possible. So I expect he got a decisive mandate from the American people in November.

And we want to be good partners for him and do as much as we can to get his agenda across the finish line, which is why we worked really hard to get his cabinet confirmed as quickly as possible. So I expect he got a decisive mandate from the American people in November.

And I think he's going to be talking about not only what he's already done, but what he's going to do in the four years he has available to him to to really change the direction of this country in a way that gets it back on track.

And I think he's going to be talking about not only what he's already done, but what he's going to do in the four years he has available to him to to really change the direction of this country in a way that gets it back on track.

Thanks, Clay. Thanks, Buck. Talk to you. Bye now.

Thanks, Clay. Thanks, Buck. Talk to you. Bye now.

Right. Well, good question, guys. I mean, it's mind-blowing to me that this has become a political issue where the Democrats are so tethered to their, I guess, transgender ideological political base that they're willing to throw common sense out the window. I mean, this is just, to me, almost incomprehensible that we're even having this conversation.

Right. Well, good question, guys. I mean, it's mind-blowing to me that this has become a political issue where the Democrats are so tethered to their, I guess, transgender ideological political base that they're willing to throw common sense out the window. I mean, this is just, to me, almost incomprehensible that we're even having this conversation.

It's, you know, having biological males as the opponents of young women is both fundamentally unfair and it's potentially dangerous, honestly. And so, you know, Coach Tuberville, Tommy Tuberville, the senator from Alabama, led this on the floor. We had a vote on it last night, and you are correct. Every single Democrat to the person voted against it.

And it's an 80-20 issue, as you point out, with the American people. I just can't explain it. I think there was no lesson learned from the election. I think it's common sense issues like this that the American people expect their leaders to act on, and they just block voted against it. What can you say?

Yeah, I mean, I think that's really honestly the assumptions of it. You know, you could say that the bill could be changed this year or that way, but it's really very straightforward. And, you know, I mean, and there was a day when Democrats would have been, you know, quick to defend Title IX, and here we are.

But, you know, I mean, this is, again, I mentioned this on the floor yesterday, but I had a business professor in graduate school who used to say some things are just intuitively obvious. And I think this is one of those things that's intuitively obvious to people. And I know something I obviously feel strongly about.

I'm, as a father of two women who played sports and, you know, one of whom is in our high school and college Hall of Fame, I just, I can't imagine a world where you would have guys competing against women and taking away opportunities, not only to excel in their field and their sport, but also for college scholarships and things that, this has serious downstream consequences

But the Democrats, on a substance level, on a political level, seem to have made a decision that they would rather defend, again, an ideology that is completely out of step with the American people.

Yeah, I know it's hard. It's an inside baseball thing here. It's, it's unique to the United States Senate, but under, uh, under our rules in the Senate, and this was kind of the system that the founders handed us, it takes a super majority to do almost anything consequential. And, um, and this is, so it's 60 votes in the Senate is required to move legislation with very few exceptions.

And one of the things we're working on right now, you've probably heard your, your listeners have probably heard too. the president talk about budget reconciliation.

When you have unified control of the government, in other words, the House, the Senate, and the White House, there are things you can do at 51 votes in the Senate that you otherwise wouldn't be able to do through a procedure that is, again, unique to the Senate. But on most issues, and this is an issue where, you know, again, it's a bill that we put in front of the Senate.

And this, honestly, this was just a motion to proceed to the bill. This wasn't even the, this was just to get on it, just to debate it. They voted against even having a debate about it, and that takes 60 as well. So it's a 60-vote threshold, and I know that's, for most Americans, everybody's like, well, isn't 51 a majority in the Senate?

The answer is yes, but the rules of the Senate and the history and heritage of the Senate is such that it requires a supermajority on most legislation.

It's a long list, and we are going to do everything we can and push the limits of what's allowable. Um, you know, there are, there are limitations on how it can be used, but the Democrats expanded the scope of reconciliation. They passed two major, major, you know, $3 trillion worth of new spending.

into reconciliation bills when they had unified control of the government, when they had House, Senate, White House. So they've given us a template for how to do it. Obviously, we have a very different agenda than what they wanted to do, but we're united. We want to enact all of President Trump's priorities as quickly as possible, and that deals with the border, securing the borders.

It's bolstering our national defense. It's restoring American energy dominance and preventing a $4 trillion tax increase at the end of the year on the American people.

So, you know, we believe, and I say Senate Republicans believe, and I think the President does too, and hopefully the House will get there, to make these tax cuts permanent so we don't have to go back and deal with it again down the road.

But we're here, and the Senate's ready to enact as much of the President's agenda as we can through budget reconciliation, and that entails all the things I just mentioned, and I hope that...

As we work through this process, we will be as aggressive as we possibly can to use that opportunity at a 51-vote threshold in the Senate as opposed to 60 to get as much of the president's agenda done as possible.

I think it's Easter is probably ambitious, I would say, but I think that, um, as we look at the kind of the May timeframe, obviously we got a deadline in a week after next March 14th, we've got to deal with all the crap. The Democrats left us on the pile up of spending. They didn't do any spending bills last year.

And so we're up against this deadline and we've got to fund the government or the government shuts down. So that's the immediate concern. But then the reconciliation bill starts with a budget resolution. Both the house and Senate have to pass the same one. And right now we've passed budget resolutions, but they're different, but we'll have to, we'll align those and then we will both act on it.

And then that creates that unlocks reconciliation, but reconciliation is another separate. big piece of legislation. And so it's really kind of a two-step process and it takes some time and these are complicated issues. I mean, the president wants some things done in tax policy.

Uh, we've got a lot of senators and house members who want to see things done in tax policy that are different than, uh, what's in front of us in terms of just, you know, a strict extension of the, of the current bill or the current tax policy. But there are all these things as we move through and these moving parts and the, and ultimately I tell people when they ask me, can you do this?

Can you do that? Then in the end, it really comes down to the two numbers that matter, 218 and 51. You've got to have 218 in the House. You've got to have a simple majority there. And even under reconciliation, you still have to have 51 votes in the Senate. So that's the math of it.

And as we think through what we can do and can't do, it's a function of trying to figure out how do we get this thing in a shape, whatever this bill looks like, that it can secure the necessary 218 in the House and 51 in the Senate.

Yeah, I mean, I think they will. The Democrats are... I mean, they're still in, um, the stages of grief and, uh, they're, they're, they're really, I don't, they, they're trying to find a message. They're trying to get some traction with something. And so far, all it is is whatever he's for, I'm going to be against.

I think that, you know, Democrats right now are afflicted with a really, really bad case of Trump derangement syndrome. And so my assumption is that when they come tonight, uh, they're going to try and be disruptive. And, and, uh, but you know, at the end of the day, I think the American people, that's not what they want to see.

I don't think they want to see a bunch of lefty ideologues who can't even bring themselves to vote to keep boys out of girls' sports, you know, creating a ruckus and disruptive to the president of the United States, who I think will be there to talk about after four years of, you know, rising costs, laws at the southern border, weakening of America on the world stage, going to be talking about turning the page and get our country back on track.

And I think it's a The president has a great opportunity to present to the American people how things are going to be in his second term and what his priorities are relative to the last four years under Biden. And you can just look already at what they've done at the southern border.

I mean, the top issue in the last election and this administration has been returning order in a short amount of time. Think about the month of February. There were fewer than 9000 crossings at the southern border under Trump. That was a typical day under under Biden. I mean, this is how dramatically things have changed already as a result of President Trump's leadership.

And we want to be good partners for him and do as much as we can to get his agenda across the finish line, which is why we worked really hard to get his cabinet confirmed as quickly as possible. So I expect he got a decisive mandate from the American people in November.

And I think he's going to be talking about not only what he's already done, but what he's going to do in the four years he has available to him to to really change the direction of this country in a way that gets it back on track.

Thanks, Clay. Thanks, Buck. Talk to you. Bye now.

Right. Well, good question, guys. I mean, it's mind-blowing to me that this has become a political issue where the Democrats are so tethered to their, I guess, transgender ideological political base that they're willing to throw common sense out the window. I mean, this is just, to me, almost incomprehensible that we're even having this conversation.