Marty Baron

And now you have a president who has control of both houses of Congress, and you have a Congress, a Republican Party, that is completely servile.

And now you have a president who has control of both houses of Congress, and you have a Congress, a Republican Party, that is completely servile.

Look, in the past, I mean, I think sometimes we romanticize what the media was like. Keep in mind, I mean, we used to have incredibly wealthy owners of media, people like Hearst, who often collaborated with government. and abuse their power.

Look, in the past, I mean, I think sometimes we romanticize what the media was like. Keep in mind, I mean, we used to have incredibly wealthy owners of media, people like Hearst, who often collaborated with government. and abuse their power.

Look, in the past, I mean, I think sometimes we romanticize what the media was like. Keep in mind, I mean, we used to have incredibly wealthy owners of media, people like Hearst, who often collaborated with government. and abuse their power.

I mean, the Chandler family in Los Angeles, you know, remade Los Angeles, brought water from the Owens Valley in the north down to LA to essentially enrich themselves. So I think we romanticize what media ownership was in the past. I think that now a lot of media, big institutional media is owned by, first of all, very wealthy people who have other very substantial commercial interests.

I mean, the Chandler family in Los Angeles, you know, remade Los Angeles, brought water from the Owens Valley in the north down to LA to essentially enrich themselves. So I think we romanticize what media ownership was in the past. I think that now a lot of media, big institutional media is owned by, first of all, very wealthy people who have other very substantial commercial interests.

I mean, the Chandler family in Los Angeles, you know, remade Los Angeles, brought water from the Owens Valley in the north down to LA to essentially enrich themselves. So I think we romanticize what media ownership was in the past. I think that now a lot of media, big institutional media is owned by, first of all, very wealthy people who have other very substantial commercial interests.

And you have also these parent companies which have other substantial commercial interests, and they're highly dependent on the federal government. And the federal government has probably more power today than it had back in the previous years, previous decades.

And you have also these parent companies which have other substantial commercial interests, and they're highly dependent on the federal government. And the federal government has probably more power today than it had back in the previous years, previous decades.

And you have also these parent companies which have other substantial commercial interests, and they're highly dependent on the federal government. And the federal government has probably more power today than it had back in the previous years, previous decades.

Well, I don't disagree with you that there has been a certain ideological rigidity within newsrooms and unwillingness to recognize nuance, a tendency on the part of particularly the younger generation, I think, to divide the world into victims and victimizers, oppressors and the oppressed, and basically see the world without nuance, see it through sort of a binary separation.

Well, I don't disagree with you that there has been a certain ideological rigidity within newsrooms and unwillingness to recognize nuance, a tendency on the part of particularly the younger generation, I think, to divide the world into victims and victimizers, oppressors and the oppressed, and basically see the world without nuance, see it through sort of a binary separation.

Well, I don't disagree with you that there has been a certain ideological rigidity within newsrooms and unwillingness to recognize nuance, a tendency on the part of particularly the younger generation, I think, to divide the world into victims and victimizers, oppressors and the oppressed, and basically see the world without nuance, see it through sort of a binary separation.

I think that what that has done, I don't know that it has weakened. Certainly, there have been rebellions within newsrooms. I did experience that due to my efforts to try to enforce social media guidelines, for example. And then also in reaction to the George Floyd killing, the demand for greater diversity in the newsroom and in leadership.

I think that what that has done, I don't know that it has weakened. Certainly, there have been rebellions within newsrooms. I did experience that due to my efforts to try to enforce social media guidelines, for example. And then also in reaction to the George Floyd killing, the demand for greater diversity in the newsroom and in leadership.

I think that what that has done, I don't know that it has weakened. Certainly, there have been rebellions within newsrooms. I did experience that due to my efforts to try to enforce social media guidelines, for example. And then also in reaction to the George Floyd killing, the demand for greater diversity in the newsroom and in leadership.

But I think that the unwillingness to sort of recognize nuances has hurt our credibility with the general public. That's where I think it's done real damage, is that it has contributed to the decline in confidence in major news institutions. And that's a perilous place to be.

But I think that the unwillingness to sort of recognize nuances has hurt our credibility with the general public. That's where I think it's done real damage, is that it has contributed to the decline in confidence in major news institutions. And that's a perilous place to be.

But I think that the unwillingness to sort of recognize nuances has hurt our credibility with the general public. That's where I think it's done real damage, is that it has contributed to the decline in confidence in major news institutions. And that's a perilous place to be.