Jamelle Bouie

With that said, the macro picture established, I both think that There are real problems and deficiencies with the Democratic Party and the Democratic brand that this election has made clear. But I also think it's important for everyone not to go overboard.

With that said, the macro picture established, I both think that There are real problems and deficiencies with the Democratic Party and the Democratic brand that this election has made clear. But I also think it's important for everyone not to go overboard.

So going overboard is like this sort of, what I understand as being kind of like self-loathing, self-flagellating, kind of like, you know, the Democratic Party is permanently separated, etc., etc., etc. It's like, okay, listen, when all the votes are counted, they've basically been counted, Trump hat den populären Voteil bei etwa 1,5 Punkten gewonnen.

So going overboard is like this sort of, what I understand as being kind of like self-loathing, self-flagellating, kind of like, you know, the Democratic Party is permanently separated, etc., etc., etc. It's like, okay, listen, when all the votes are counted, they've basically been counted, Trump hat den populären Voteil bei etwa 1,5 Punkten gewonnen.

Das ist der kleinste populäre Voteil, den er in ganzer Zeit gewonnen hat. Der Elektrode ist im Grunde gespart in halb. Und so ist es so, dass der Feld, auf dem wir arbeiten, der Elektrode ist im Grunde 50-50. Also lassen wir uns unseren Rollen über, weißt du, durable majorities on one hand or durable minority position on the other hand.

Das ist der kleinste populäre Voteil, den er in ganzer Zeit gewonnen hat. Der Elektrode ist im Grunde gespart in halb. Und so ist es so, dass der Feld, auf dem wir arbeiten, der Elektrode ist im Grunde 50-50. Also lassen wir uns unseren Rollen über, weißt du, durable majorities on one hand or durable minority position on the other hand.

It seems clear to me that like both coalitions are engaged in what you might call a war position. They're trying to kind of establish a hegemony in a way that they just have not been able to manage. Why can't Democrats manage it? I think that is the question. And I think it does get to sort of like a disconnect between

It seems clear to me that like both coalitions are engaged in what you might call a war position. They're trying to kind of establish a hegemony in a way that they just have not been able to manage. Why can't Democrats manage it? I think that is the question. And I think it does get to sort of like a disconnect between

But they disconnect of the party from its own base and sort of like there clearly is a sense in which democratic leaders, I don't think quite are in line with what Democratic base voters want from them. A separation from not the Democratic base, but kind of the voters who you might think would vote for Democrats, young people, working class people. There's a real disconnect there.

But they disconnect of the party from its own base and sort of like there clearly is a sense in which democratic leaders, I don't think quite are in line with what Democratic base voters want from them. A separation from not the Democratic base, but kind of the voters who you might think would vote for Democrats, young people, working class people. There's a real disconnect there.

Maybe a cultural disconnect, maybe a communications disconnect, whatever it is. And then there's this extent to which in large parts of the country, the Democratic brand itself is kind of toxic, right? Like, if you are a Democrat in Montana,

Maybe a cultural disconnect, maybe a communications disconnect, whatever it is. And then there's this extent to which in large parts of the country, the Democratic brand itself is kind of toxic, right? Like, if you are a Democrat in Montana,

oder Ohio oder Florida, dann wirst du nicht gut zusammenkommen in einer städteweiten Wahl, egal was du sagst, egal was deine Positionen sind, weil die Notion eines Demokraten einfach mit einem kulturellen Bild oder mit etwas verbunden ist, das zu vielen Votern toxisch ist. How you solve those problems, I don't really know.

oder Ohio oder Florida, dann wirst du nicht gut zusammenkommen in einer städteweiten Wahl, egal was du sagst, egal was deine Positionen sind, weil die Notion eines Demokraten einfach mit einem kulturellen Bild oder mit etwas verbunden ist, das zu vielen Votern toxisch ist. How you solve those problems, I don't really know.

The social scientist in me thinks that part of the solution here is going to be the Democratic Party actually reimagining itself as a proper political party and not just sort of like... Wenn ich das sage, meine ich eine echte Organisation, die versucht, direkte Verbindungen mit Votern auf dem Boden zu bauen.

The social scientist in me thinks that part of the solution here is going to be the Democratic Party actually reimagining itself as a proper political party and not just sort of like... Wenn ich das sage, meine ich eine echte Organisation, die versucht, direkte Verbindungen mit Votern auf dem Boden zu bauen.

Wie die NRA versucht, mit Waffenhändlern zu bauen, um tatsächlich eine Präsenz zu werden, die existiert. I was watching some TikTok. We'll talk about TikTok. I was watching a TikTok and it was a young woman saying to her viewers, you got to get engaged in politics. I was like, this is the message I love to hear.

Wie die NRA versucht, mit Waffenhändlern zu bauen, um tatsächlich eine Präsenz zu werden, die existiert. I was watching some TikTok. We'll talk about TikTok. I was watching a TikTok and it was a young woman saying to her viewers, you got to get engaged in politics. I was like, this is the message I love to hear.

And she says, you know, you got to start at the local level and you should look up to see if there's like a democratic club in your city. And I was like, that's interesting because that doesn't exist. That's not a thing, right? I can't go. I can't like...

And she says, you know, you got to start at the local level and you should look up to see if there's like a democratic club in your city. And I was like, that's interesting because that doesn't exist. That's not a thing, right? I can't go. I can't like...

google or go to local paper and find the address like the local democratic club and like show up and be like oh is there anything for me to do new york republican has club they do they have a club they have a speakeasy have been there that's that to me is like the first step right it's sort of establishing this kind of on the ground presence everywhere and it it can be explicitly political doesn't have to be but it

google or go to local paper and find the address like the local democratic club and like show up and be like oh is there anything for me to do new york republican has club they do they have a club they have a speakeasy have been there that's that to me is like the first step right it's sort of establishing this kind of on the ground presence everywhere and it it can be explicitly political doesn't have to be but it

trying to rebuild a connection to voters, you know, person to person as an organization and not just mediated through candidates, to me, is going to be a first step towards being able to both reestablish the brand, but also kind of cut through the Es funktioniert nicht. Es funktioniert nicht.

trying to rebuild a connection to voters, you know, person to person as an organization and not just mediated through candidates, to me, is going to be a first step towards being able to both reestablish the brand, but also kind of cut through the Es funktioniert nicht. Es funktioniert nicht.

And one explanation I've seen for this, and I guess I kind of agree with, is that it's not even so much that there are prominent Democrats who are doing things that are culturally alienating, but that there's like a media apparatus that basically sort of like, you know, plucks, you know, here is...

And one explanation I've seen for this, and I guess I kind of agree with, is that it's not even so much that there are prominent Democrats who are doing things that are culturally alienating, but that there's like a media apparatus that basically sort of like, you know, plucks, you know, here is...

Hier ist jemand, den du kulturell abwechslungsfähig findest, der nur eine Person ist, nicht mit dem Demokratischen Partei verbunden ist, sondern nur eine Person, die in der Welt existiert und dann sagt, diese sind, was die Demokraten sind und das ist, was sie von dir denken.

Hier ist jemand, den du kulturell abwechslungsfähig findest, der nur eine Person ist, nicht mit dem Demokratischen Partei verbunden ist, sondern nur eine Person, die in der Welt existiert und dann sagt, diese sind, was die Demokraten sind und das ist, was sie von dir denken.

Sie werden verantwortlich sein. Und es ist so, wie du dich gegen das drückst. And it is unreasonable, right, to say everyone who's vaguely left the center of the United States has to be on their best behavior all the time. It's like, that's insane. What you maybe can do is find some way to sort of short circuit the transmission of those messages.

Sie werden verantwortlich sein. Und es ist so, wie du dich gegen das drückst. And it is unreasonable, right, to say everyone who's vaguely left the center of the United States has to be on their best behavior all the time. It's like, that's insane. What you maybe can do is find some way to sort of short circuit the transmission of those messages.

And that's really only going to happen either through sort of like media saturation of the same kind or through some other way to reach ordinary people, to have some sort of, so that they have some other image in their head of what a Democrat is. ist, right?

And that's really only going to happen either through sort of like media saturation of the same kind or through some other way to reach ordinary people, to have some sort of, so that they have some other image in their head of what a Democrat is. ist, right?

So that instead of thinking of a Democrat as like some, you know, grad student in Portland who happened to get sucked up by the right-wing media machine, they think of a Democrat as a local teacher who, you know, is involved in like a local, the local party and like does door-to-door stuff. You're like, oh, that's, you know, I know, I know who that person is. I like them. I respect them.

So that instead of thinking of a Democrat as like some, you know, grad student in Portland who happened to get sucked up by the right-wing media machine, they think of a Democrat as a local teacher who, you know, is involved in like a local, the local party and like does door-to-door stuff. You're like, oh, that's, you know, I know, I know who that person is. I like them. I respect them.

They are a Democrat. But even, even the latter is, ist ein Projekt, das Arbeit und Investitionen und Experimentationen benötigt und eine Willenheit, um zu sehen, was sich in Bezug auf Organisation und Party-Bildung befindet.

They are a Democrat. But even, even the latter is, ist ein Projekt, das Arbeit und Investitionen und Experimentationen benötigt und eine Willenheit, um zu sehen, was sich in Bezug auf Organisation und Party-Bildung befindet.

Especially since, I mean, I think Democrats are trying to conserve something and that is sort of what's left of the New Deal order. I mean, the party is still kind of oriented around the New Deal and its successor, kind of expansion of the welfare state. So, it's like, yeah, I mean, you know, you're trying to conserve Social Security, you're trying to conserve Medicare, Medicaid.

Especially since, I mean, I think Democrats are trying to conserve something and that is sort of what's left of the New Deal order. I mean, the party is still kind of oriented around the New Deal and its successor, kind of expansion of the welfare state. So, it's like, yeah, I mean, you know, you're trying to conserve Social Security, you're trying to conserve Medicare, Medicaid.

You're trying to expand it somewhat as well, but you're expanding on an existing foundation. I think some of it is just going to be unavoidable. It is simply the case that what the broad left in this country wants is to use the power of the state to improve people's lives. That's what it wants. It wants to expand social services. It wants to expand social insurance.

You're trying to expand it somewhat as well, but you're expanding on an existing foundation. I think some of it is just going to be unavoidable. It is simply the case that what the broad left in this country wants is to use the power of the state to improve people's lives. That's what it wants. It wants to expand social services. It wants to expand social insurance.

It wants to do all these things. There's no way to be kind of an anti-system party when your basic orientation is that we're going to use the system. We're not going to try to dismantle it. We're not going to try to destroy it. We're going to try to use it. I do think there is a way to frame the state, the public, against

It wants to do all these things. There's no way to be kind of an anti-system party when your basic orientation is that we're going to use the system. We're not going to try to dismantle it. We're not going to try to destroy it. We're going to try to use it. I do think there is a way to frame the state, the public, against

private actors who may want to unravel the social insurance state, who may want to slash taxes to the bone and cut services. There's a way of identifying villains and saying, we want to use the state on behalf of you and not let it be put in the hands of these other people who want to use it to enrich themselves. But that requires...

private actors who may want to unravel the social insurance state, who may want to slash taxes to the bone and cut services. There's a way of identifying villains and saying, we want to use the state on behalf of you and not let it be put in the hands of these other people who want to use it to enrich themselves. But that requires...

Demokrats doing something they really have not done, which is really, or with few exceptions have done, which is really kind of articulate villains to say, like, these are the baddies. Yeah, besides Donald Trump. These forces, these kind of institutions, these... These people, these are the people who are trying to harm you and we want to do something about them.

Demokrats doing something they really have not done, which is really, or with few exceptions have done, which is really kind of articulate villains to say, like, these are the baddies. Yeah, besides Donald Trump. These forces, these kind of institutions, these... These people, these are the people who are trying to harm you and we want to do something about them.

I do think that part of the absence of that kind of message is that there are these internal tensions within the Democratic Coalition, right? Like Democrats... White Republicans are reliant on the cash that comes from large wealthy donors. They want to maintain this business-friendly appearance for practical reasons of campaign cash, for governing reasons.

I do think that part of the absence of that kind of message is that there are these internal tensions within the Democratic Coalition, right? Like Democrats... White Republicans are reliant on the cash that comes from large wealthy donors. They want to maintain this business-friendly appearance for practical reasons of campaign cash, for governing reasons.

They don't want to be perceived as antagonists to what you could say like the establishment.

They don't want to be perceived as antagonists to what you could say like the establishment.

Right, because they're also connected. I mean, this gets to, I think, the role of kind of like the cultural image of what business is, right? Like people think of business, of businessmen as being disruptors, as being, you know, these dynamic figures. And so it's sort of, it's actually very natural kind of like Very natural discourse, you could say, right?

Right, because they're also connected. I mean, this gets to, I think, the role of kind of like the cultural image of what business is, right? Like people think of business, of businessmen as being disruptors, as being, you know, these dynamic figures. And so it's sort of, it's actually very natural kind of like Very natural discourse, you could say, right?

You have your disruptive, dynamic businessmen, Trump, Elon, you know, all these guys, irrespective of the truth of the matter, right? Like, that's the image versus kind of like, you know, a party of bureaucrats. And... Americans are probably going to side with the former over the latter every time.

You have your disruptive, dynamic businessmen, Trump, Elon, you know, all these guys, irrespective of the truth of the matter, right? Like, that's the image versus kind of like, you know, a party of bureaucrats. And... Americans are probably going to side with the former over the latter every time.

I don't think Democrats can truly avoid being a party of bureaucrats, because ultimately that's kind of what they are. But there are ways, I think, maybe to redefine the other side. It's not quite dynamic and not quite exciting, but something more sinister. And then also to reframe what it is that Democrats want, not in terms of we're going to manage these programs, but in terms of

I don't think Democrats can truly avoid being a party of bureaucrats, because ultimately that's kind of what they are. But there are ways, I think, maybe to redefine the other side. It's not quite dynamic and not quite exciting, but something more sinister. And then also to reframe what it is that Democrats want, not in terms of we're going to manage these programs, but in terms of

Our goal is to give you freedom from the worst of the market. Our goal is not to keep you from succeeding, but is to shield you from economic unfairness and all these things that make your life better. Interessant genug, am Anfang der Harris-Kampagne sah man ein wenig davon, ein wenig davon, wie Freiheit ist und was es bedeutet. Und das wurde verloren.

Our goal is to give you freedom from the worst of the market. Our goal is not to keep you from succeeding, but is to shield you from economic unfairness and all these things that make your life better. Interessant genug, am Anfang der Harris-Kampagne sah man ein wenig davon, ein wenig davon, wie Freiheit ist und was es bedeutet. Und das wurde verloren.

whose front guy is a libertine with like working class affectations. And it's sort of like, you know, voters, they look at Trump. So you say to voters, these people literally want to slash taxes for themselves so low that they'll be forced to cut benefits for your grandparents. And also they want to ban birth control. And you say that, you say that guy is their champion.

whose front guy is a libertine with like working class affectations. And it's sort of like, you know, voters, they look at Trump. So you say to voters, these people literally want to slash taxes for themselves so low that they'll be forced to cut benefits for your grandparents. And also they want to ban birth control. And you say that, you say that guy is their champion.

And then people look at that guy and they're like, Er? Und sie glauben es nicht. Es ist viel Arbeit, um Menschen zu glauben. Und du willst etwas wie das für Demokraten. Das sind ihre Schulmaschinen, die nicht wollen, dass du Spaß hast. And it's like the Democratic nominee is Spuds McKenzie.

And then people look at that guy and they're like, Er? Und sie glauben es nicht. Es ist viel Arbeit, um Menschen zu glauben. Und du willst etwas wie das für Demokraten. Das sind ihre Schulmaschinen, die nicht wollen, dass du Spaß hast. And it's like the Democratic nominee is Spuds McKenzie.

I'll answer the second part first and then roll into the first. I have long been fascinated by Frederick Douglass for obvious reasons, one of the most important singular individuals of 19th century America. I would say one of the most important political philosophers of 19th century America.

I'll answer the second part first and then roll into the first. I have long been fascinated by Frederick Douglass for obvious reasons, one of the most important singular individuals of 19th century America. I would say one of the most important political philosophers of 19th century America.

Yeah, I think that might be the case.

Yeah, I think that might be the case.

I think that unquestionably just because of what the nature of this country, like what this country's history is, that like race and gender obviously played a part in this. Like Kamala Harris is trying to become the first woman and first black woman to become president of the United States. And it seems very silly to me to like dismiss, you know,

I think that unquestionably just because of what the nature of this country, like what this country's history is, that like race and gender obviously played a part in this. Like Kamala Harris is trying to become the first woman and first black woman to become president of the United States. And it seems very silly to me to like dismiss, you know,

Potential racial or gender bias out of hand in that regard. Like, there was some research that came out last month, two months ago, that was just about sort of like the role of anti-Black attitudes in shaping, you know, certain kind of political views. And there's no conclusion on like the causal thing. Like, was it that you have anti-Black attitudes and you're more likely to support Trump?

Potential racial or gender bias out of hand in that regard. Like, there was some research that came out last month, two months ago, that was just about sort of like the role of anti-Black attitudes in shaping, you know, certain kind of political views. And there's no conclusion on like the causal thing. Like, was it that you have anti-Black attitudes and you're more likely to support Trump?

Or being likely to support Trump kind of like leads you to anti-Black attitudes. Like the causal direction was unclear. But it's certainly there, right? And it's like when you're thinking of...

Or being likely to support Trump kind of like leads you to anti-Black attitudes. Like the causal direction was unclear. But it's certainly there, right? And it's like when you're thinking of...

nicht-weißen, aber nicht-blasch-immigrantischen Gemeinschaften, die selbst von Kulturen kommen, in denen anti-blasch-Präsidium besteht, oder in Kulturen kommen, in denen anti-blasch-Präsidium besteht, und es gibt eine blacke Frau auf dem Topf eines Major-Party-Tickets, die für den Präsidenten läuft. Es scheint mir seltsam, die Rolle, die man in diesem Bereich ausmistet.

nicht-weißen, aber nicht-blasch-immigrantischen Gemeinschaften, die selbst von Kulturen kommen, in denen anti-blasch-Präsidium besteht, oder in Kulturen kommen, in denen anti-blasch-Präsidium besteht, und es gibt eine blacke Frau auf dem Topf eines Major-Party-Tickets, die für den Präsidenten läuft. Es scheint mir seltsam, die Rolle, die man in diesem Bereich ausmistet.

Ich glaube, die Absence davon aus broad public conversation, Does reflect, you know, Trump's gains. I think in a kind of shallow way, people are like, oh, if Trump made gains, how could like race and gender play any part of it? And it's like, well, it's complicated. It's a complicated relationship. I also think there's a bit of a, how do I put this? A bit of a, you know,

Ich glaube, die Absence davon aus broad public conversation, Does reflect, you know, Trump's gains. I think in a kind of shallow way, people are like, oh, if Trump made gains, how could like race and gender play any part of it? And it's like, well, it's complicated. It's a complicated relationship. I also think there's a bit of a, how do I put this? A bit of a, you know,

There's a bit of like a cancel culture element here, right? Like you'll get, I think if you were to forthrightly make the argument, you might get shouted down. You're just one of those identity liberals who doesn't want to pay attention to what's really happening. So it's like, I think there's a couple reasons why.

There's a bit of like a cancel culture element here, right? Like you'll get, I think if you were to forthrightly make the argument, you might get shouted down. You're just one of those identity liberals who doesn't want to pay attention to what's really happening. So it's like, I think there's a couple reasons why.

He's often thought of in those terms, but I think he is throughout his life articulating a vision of like an American, you know, I don't want to call it liberal because liberal doesn't really exist at the time, but a kind of American philosophy of action that is in dialogue with other philosophers of the time who I admire. So a lot of things fascinating about Frederick Douglass in my view.

He's often thought of in those terms, but I think he is throughout his life articulating a vision of like an American, you know, I don't want to call it liberal because liberal doesn't really exist at the time, but a kind of American philosophy of action that is in dialogue with other philosophers of the time who I admire. So a lot of things fascinating about Frederick Douglass in my view.

Yeah, reverse, I don't know what to call it. But I think it's certainly part of why that conversation's been absent. My intuition is that, again, this is very much an all of the above situation, right? Like the margin's too narrow. to attribute it to one thing or the other. So it's like a lot of things were happening. And also electorates are big, kind of complicated things.

Yeah, reverse, I don't know what to call it. But I think it's certainly part of why that conversation's been absent. My intuition is that, again, this is very much an all of the above situation, right? Like the margin's too narrow. to attribute it to one thing or the other. So it's like a lot of things were happening. And also electorates are big, kind of complicated things.

So a lot of things are happening. There is the macro picture of incumbent parties losing. There is a particular disconnect that Democrats have had from voters without college educations. There are questions and concerns of race and gender. It's entirely possible that a Democratic Party that was more

So a lot of things are happening. There is the macro picture of incumbent parties losing. There is a particular disconnect that Democrats have had from voters without college educations. There are questions and concerns of race and gender. It's entirely possible that a Democratic Party that was more

connected, better connected to non-college voters, to working class voters, would be able to overcome the race and gender stuff. That was to some extent the Obama story. Obama was able to overcome these things through personal force of will, personality, but also the Democratic Party just was more connected to those voters. So there's a lot going on.

connected, better connected to non-college voters, to working class voters, would be able to overcome the race and gender stuff. That was to some extent the Obama story. Obama was able to overcome these things through personal force of will, personality, but also the Democratic Party just was more connected to those voters. So there's a lot going on.

It's why I've been actually quite hesitant to weigh in with a big picture of this is what happened, because I honestly, I don't know, and I think we have to wait to see. We have to collect more information, we have to count more votes, we have to interview more people, we have to actually find out what voters were thinking, were doing when they went to the polls.

It's why I've been actually quite hesitant to weigh in with a big picture of this is what happened, because I honestly, I don't know, and I think we have to wait to see. We have to collect more information, we have to count more votes, we have to interview more people, we have to actually find out what voters were thinking, were doing when they went to the polls.

And in the absence of that, it seems presumptuous to me to say, well, this is what happened. But at this stage, I do take a very kind of like... You shouldn't dismiss anything and should take seriously questions of identity, questions of prejudice and bias, as well as these sort of structural issues the Democratic Party appears to have. And the...

And in the absence of that, it seems presumptuous to me to say, well, this is what happened. But at this stage, I do take a very kind of like... You shouldn't dismiss anything and should take seriously questions of identity, questions of prejudice and bias, as well as these sort of structural issues the Democratic Party appears to have. And the...

the unique appeal and, you know, connection that Trump has with a lot of voters. Like all of this is playing a part.

the unique appeal and, you know, connection that Trump has with a lot of voters. Like all of this is playing a part.

So I didn't start because of any, for any like political reasons. It was very much just sort of, I was consuming a lot of TikTok. I was kind of observing kind of how, like the tenor of political discourse on TikTok, the way in which people talk about politics and thought to myself, A, a lot of people in here are saying a lot of things that are not right. Nicht wahr?

So I didn't start because of any, for any like political reasons. It was very much just sort of, I was consuming a lot of TikTok. I was kind of observing kind of how, like the tenor of political discourse on TikTok, the way in which people talk about politics and thought to myself, A, a lot of people in here are saying a lot of things that are not right. Nicht wahr?

Und ich denke, ich könnte vielleicht eine nützliche Ressource hier als echter professioneller Journalist sein. Und nach einigen Experimentationen und so, habe ich herausgefunden, was für mich als Person, die Dinge postet, funktioniert, was nur um konversationell zu sein, um zu sagen, You know, have a bit of a chat, have a walk and chat, that kind of thing.

Und ich denke, ich könnte vielleicht eine nützliche Ressource hier als echter professioneller Journalist sein. Und nach einigen Experimentationen und so, habe ich herausgefunden, was für mich als Person, die Dinge postet, funktioniert, was nur um konversationell zu sein, um zu sagen, You know, have a bit of a chat, have a walk and chat, that kind of thing.

And a little bit to my own surprise, people seem to be into it. I do think you're right to observe that this kind of thing is much more common on the political right. Like there aren't very many people associated with the political left, you know, the political center left, who are using...

And a little bit to my own surprise, people seem to be into it. I do think you're right to observe that this kind of thing is much more common on the political right. Like there aren't very many people associated with the political left, you know, the political center left, who are using...

But one of the most interesting is that he is this rare figure who basically lives to see his life goal accomplished. Und dann lebt er darüber hinaus, dass es anfängt, sich zu erneuern. Nicht komplett, es gibt keine Rückwärtsschlacht, aber seine Vision für die Flüchtlinge für schwarze Amerikaner, ist am Ende seines Lebens schnell klar geworden, dass das Land schnell zurückgeht.

But one of the most interesting is that he is this rare figure who basically lives to see his life goal accomplished. Und dann lebt er darüber hinaus, dass es anfängt, sich zu erneuern. Nicht komplett, es gibt keine Rückwärtsschlacht, aber seine Vision für die Flüchtlinge für schwarze Amerikaner, ist am Ende seines Lebens schnell klar geworden, dass das Land schnell zurückgeht.

These kind of platforms in this kind of way to just sort of like talk to people and not even necessarily with an aim of trying to sort of like win partisan allegiance, but just to sort of like, you know, talk about ideas and talk about, you know, what's going on in the country and just like the chat.

These kind of platforms in this kind of way to just sort of like talk to people and not even necessarily with an aim of trying to sort of like win partisan allegiance, but just to sort of like, you know, talk about ideas and talk about, you know, what's going on in the country and just like the chat.

And I think there should be much more of it with regards to sort of like moral or ethical confunctions about TikTok. I don't know. I kind of I don't know. I don't know. That's a good answer. Do I think that the Chinese Communist Party probably knows too much about me? Yes. We've both got six-year-olds. Would you put a 12-year-old on TikTok? 10-year-olds? I don't know.

And I think there should be much more of it with regards to sort of like moral or ethical confunctions about TikTok. I don't know. I kind of I don't know. I don't know. That's a good answer. Do I think that the Chinese Communist Party probably knows too much about me? Yes. We've both got six-year-olds. Would you put a 12-year-old on TikTok? 10-year-olds? I don't know.

No, I mean, when it comes to usage, oh yeah, no, no, no. I mean, I wouldn't, I would not let anyone younger than like 22 be on social media. 22, older than drinking age.

No, I mean, when it comes to usage, oh yeah, no, no, no. I mean, I wouldn't, I would not let anyone younger than like 22 be on social media. 22, older than drinking age.

I mean, I think about, I graduated from college in 2009. So, I guess I had Twitter in 2008. And Facebook maybe a little before that. But that was like back when Facebook was as much about meeting people who go to your college. So it sort of facilitated... Hanging out with people in real life, as it was sort of like exclusively digital relationships.

I mean, I think about, I graduated from college in 2009. So, I guess I had Twitter in 2008. And Facebook maybe a little before that. But that was like back when Facebook was as much about meeting people who go to your college. So it sort of facilitated... Hanging out with people in real life, as it was sort of like exclusively digital relationships.

But the kind of algorithmic, you know, designed to addict you, social media, that's basically crack cocaine. And I would not let anyone in their teens be exposed to it.

But the kind of algorithmic, you know, designed to addict you, social media, that's basically crack cocaine. And I would not let anyone in their teens be exposed to it.

I think the answer to my question is we still have to wait and see. We still have to wait and see. I think that we're on a bad trajectory. I think that we're on the path to a much less egalitarian and fair country, but You know, we'll have to see. I don't know. That's my answer.

I think the answer to my question is we still have to wait and see. We still have to wait and see. I think that we're on a bad trajectory. I think that we're on the path to a much less egalitarian and fair country, but You know, we'll have to see. I don't know. That's my answer.

This is a case of having to see what happens, what happens with this administration, how far it goes and how people respond. And I don't have the answer to that yet. And so I wouldn't say I'm hopeful, but I'm just sort of like, we'll see how things play out and we'll cross the bridges as we come to them.

This is a case of having to see what happens, what happens with this administration, how far it goes and how people respond. And I don't have the answer to that yet. And so I wouldn't say I'm hopeful, but I'm just sort of like, we'll see how things play out and we'll cross the bridges as we come to them.

This really is the thing that is like, I think if there's anything that people should actually take quite seriously, it's that like, we're, what, three, four weeks into, you know, the transition, and he's just... He has like two major Ls. His nominee for attorney general was promptly shot down. His threats to go to recess appointments were kind of ignored.

This really is the thing that is like, I think if there's anything that people should actually take quite seriously, it's that like, we're, what, three, four weeks into, you know, the transition, and he's just... He has like two major Ls. His nominee for attorney general was promptly shot down. His threats to go to recess appointments were kind of ignored.

And he might lose his first pick for secretary of defense. That's actually such as unusual. This doesn't happen. Usually new presidents get a lot more leeway than this. And he's kind of squandering it. And everyone that falls, it doesn't actually make the chances of the others go. Ja, genau.

And he might lose his first pick for secretary of defense. That's actually such as unusual. This doesn't happen. Usually new presidents get a lot more leeway than this. And he's kind of squandering it. And everyone that falls, it doesn't actually make the chances of the others go. Ja, genau.

I would advise people, just as being a political observer, to not dismiss these things as, oh, it doesn't matter. No, it actually... When you're a new president, you don't really have that much time to do things.

I would advise people, just as being a political observer, to not dismiss these things as, oh, it doesn't matter. No, it actually... When you're a new president, you don't really have that much time to do things.

Nicht nur auf der Linie der Black Rights, sondern auf der Linie der Ordentlichen Menschen, die Leben ohne Dominanz leben, ohne die Dominanz von anderen. Ich nenne es seine letzte große Sprache. Es gibt eine andere Sprache, die er ein paar Monate später zu einem Grupp von Schulschülern gibt, die andere sagen, dass es seine letzte große Sprache ist.

Nicht nur auf der Linie der Black Rights, sondern auf der Linie der Ordentlichen Menschen, die Leben ohne Dominanz leben, ohne die Dominanz von anderen. Ich nenne es seine letzte große Sprache. Es gibt eine andere Sprache, die er ein paar Monate später zu einem Grupp von Schulschülern gibt, die andere sagen, dass es seine letzte große Sprache ist.

Aber eine seiner letzten öffentlichen Sprachen, bevor er stirbt, ist er reflektierend darauf, his experience throughout his life, what he witnesses, where he thinks things are going. And I think that it is useful to be reminded that the story of this country's history is not one of ceaseless and upward progress.

Aber eine seiner letzten öffentlichen Sprachen, bevor er stirbt, ist er reflektierend darauf, his experience throughout his life, what he witnesses, where he thinks things are going. And I think that it is useful to be reminded that the story of this country's history is not one of ceaseless and upward progress.

It is often one of long reversals, that people recognize that they were reversals at the time. And that nonetheless people continued to act and behave as if their actions mattered, as if their struggles mattered, as if politics mattered, as if it mattered to be engaged in all of this.

It is often one of long reversals, that people recognize that they were reversals at the time. And that nonetheless people continued to act and behave as if their actions mattered, as if their struggles mattered, as if politics mattered, as if it mattered to be engaged in all of this.

And at the end of the speech, Douglas says, you know, I wish I had more time to join you in this fight, but like the fight... We'll have to carry on and it must continue. And I find that inspirational. I find it maybe a little comforting. But more than ever, I find it useful. A useful way of looking at the situation. So to answer your first part of your question, I think things can get pretty bad.

And at the end of the speech, Douglas says, you know, I wish I had more time to join you in this fight, but like the fight... We'll have to carry on and it must continue. And I find that inspirational. I find it maybe a little comforting. But more than ever, I find it useful. A useful way of looking at the situation. So to answer your first part of your question, I think things can get pretty bad.

I think it's important to balance maligned intentions, the fact that Trump really does seem to want, even if he can't articulate it in these terms, a kind of personalist authoritarian state, and balance that against the fact that he is very bad at being president. He's very bad at this. He's very bad at governing.

I think it's important to balance maligned intentions, the fact that Trump really does seem to want, even if he can't articulate it in these terms, a kind of personalist authoritarian state, and balance that against the fact that he is very bad at being president. He's very bad at this. He's very bad at governing.

He's very bad at managing all the things one would have to do to accomplish the things he wants to accomplish. He's actually quite bad at. And we're kind of seeing this right now with these cabinet picks. Very disturbing, but also haphazard and somewhat disastrous for his political capital, if you want to talk of such a thing. Aber die Welt der Ergebnisse ist breit.

He's very bad at managing all the things one would have to do to accomplish the things he wants to accomplish. He's actually quite bad at. And we're kind of seeing this right now with these cabinet picks. Very disturbing, but also haphazard and somewhat disastrous for his political capital, if you want to talk of such a thing. Aber die Welt der Ergebnisse ist breit.

Ich denke, es könnte sehr schlecht werden. Und auch wenn es nicht das Schlimmste wird, gibt es noch, aus meiner Perspektive, Veränderungen in einigen Bereichen, die ich denke, es wird eine Generation dauern, um das, was verloren wurde, zurückzuklauen. Und auch wenn wir nur darauf schauen, denke ich, dass Douglas' Vorsitz ist wertvoll.

Ich denke, es könnte sehr schlecht werden. Und auch wenn es nicht das Schlimmste wird, gibt es noch, aus meiner Perspektive, Veränderungen in einigen Bereichen, die ich denke, es wird eine Generation dauern, um das, was verloren wurde, zurückzuklauen. Und auch wenn wir nur darauf schauen, denke ich, dass Douglas' Vorsitz ist wertvoll.

You know, on the highest level, I'm most concerned about being able to conserve a constitutional order or a constitutional interpretation, which the courts really do look out and are trying to give serious consideration to the rights of vulnerable people in the society and aren't willing to simply defer to state legislatures. Aus einem Prinzip von Neutralität.

You know, on the highest level, I'm most concerned about being able to conserve a constitutional order or a constitutional interpretation, which the courts really do look out and are trying to give serious consideration to the rights of vulnerable people in the society and aren't willing to simply defer to state legislatures. Aus einem Prinzip von Neutralität.

Ich meine, ich referiere natürlich die letzten Oral-Argumente bezüglich genderaffirmierter Pflege für trans-Jüngere, aber die Konstitution nimmt eine neutralere Sicht auf soziale Kontroversien, auf...

Ich meine, ich referiere natürlich die letzten Oral-Argumente bezüglich genderaffirmierter Pflege für trans-Jüngere, aber die Konstitution nimmt eine neutralere Sicht auf soziale Kontroversien, auf...

Social inequality is also expressed in Dobbs, and I just find that a very dangerous way of viewing the Constitution, because neutrality of that sort opens up the door to, again, domination by people over others who... vielleicht mehr in der Gemeinschaft und unser Wunsch, andere Menschenrechte aufzulösen. Also, du weißt, ich habe mich über das beschäftigt.

Social inequality is also expressed in Dobbs, and I just find that a very dangerous way of viewing the Constitution, because neutrality of that sort opens up the door to, again, domination by people over others who... vielleicht mehr in der Gemeinschaft und unser Wunsch, andere Menschenrechte aufzulösen. Also, du weißt, ich habe mich über das beschäftigt.

Ich bin mir nicht sicher, inwiefern das möglich sein kann. Ich denke, wir passen in einen neuen Art und Weise der Verfassung in Ordnung. Ich bin mir nicht wirklich sicher, ob so viel gemacht werden kann, um den alten zu konservieren, außer als eine Anleitung für die Zukunft, um es zurückzubringen.

Ich bin mir nicht sicher, inwiefern das möglich sein kann. Ich denke, wir passen in einen neuen Art und Weise der Verfassung in Ordnung. Ich bin mir nicht wirklich sicher, ob so viel gemacht werden kann, um den alten zu konservieren, außer als eine Anleitung für die Zukunft, um es zurückzubringen.

One important takeaway when thinking about 19th century politics is how much especially in the middle of the century, how much politics was about the Constitution and that happening on the field of ordinary political combat was just debates about what the Constitution is, how it should be utilized, not even how to interpret it, but what is it? What kind of document is it?

One important takeaway when thinking about 19th century politics is how much especially in the middle of the century, how much politics was about the Constitution and that happening on the field of ordinary political combat was just debates about what the Constitution is, how it should be utilized, not even how to interpret it, but what is it? What kind of document is it?

Is it this purely legalistic document, just sort of another form of law? Is it something much more broader and more political? And I think that

Is it this purely legalistic document, just sort of another form of law? Is it something much more broader and more political? And I think that

Wenn ich über den Weg nach der Veränderung denke, vielleicht nach diesem Zeitpunkt, wenn ich über die Veränderungsprinzipien denke, denke ich, dass die Grundlage dafür ist, die Konstitution zurück in die Politik zu bringen und tatsächlich einen öffentlichen Fall zu machen, wie einen Fall zu Votern, zu normalen Amerikanern zu machen. Das ist, was wir denken, die Konstitution ist.

Wenn ich über den Weg nach der Veränderung denke, vielleicht nach diesem Zeitpunkt, wenn ich über die Veränderungsprinzipien denke, denke ich, dass die Grundlage dafür ist, die Konstitution zurück in die Politik zu bringen und tatsächlich einen öffentlichen Fall zu machen, wie einen Fall zu Votern, zu normalen Amerikanern zu machen. Das ist, was wir denken, die Konstitution ist.

Und das ist, was wir denken, die Beziehung der Gerichte zu der Konstitution sollte sein, die Beziehung der gewählten Branche zu der Konstitution sollte sein. And to the extent that the court is out of balance within that relationship, then we should do something about it.

Und das ist, was wir denken, die Beziehung der Gerichte zu der Konstitution sollte sein, die Beziehung der gewählten Branche zu der Konstitution sollte sein. And to the extent that the court is out of balance within that relationship, then we should do something about it.

So it's not an unlimited, we want to do this because we want to get our way, but it's an argument that you're making to the public that, listen, the courts are captured by a faction and they are acting in a way that is sort of divorced from reality. Ja, genau. die Größe des Gerichts zu erhöhen, Ethik-Ruhe einzunehmen, was auch immer die Antwort ist.

So it's not an unlimited, we want to do this because we want to get our way, but it's an argument that you're making to the public that, listen, the courts are captured by a faction and they are acting in a way that is sort of divorced from reality. Ja, genau. die Größe des Gerichts zu erhöhen, Ethik-Ruhe einzunehmen, was auch immer die Antwort ist.

Und ich bin ein bisschen überrascht darüber, was gemacht sollte. Aber ich fühle mich ziemlich stark, dass die Grundlage dafür ist, dass dies wieder Teil der Politik ist. In welchem Sinne? Warum würde es beängstigend sein? Because when you start talking about, when you're getting into this discourse, right?

Und ich bin ein bisschen überrascht darüber, was gemacht sollte. Aber ich fühle mich ziemlich stark, dass die Grundlage dafür ist, dass dies wieder Teil der Politik ist. In welchem Sinne? Warum würde es beängstigend sein? Because when you start talking about, when you're getting into this discourse, right?

Yeah, you know, it's a little nerdy. It's a little, you know, and you're talking about the founders and you're kind of engaged in this kind of, this way of talking about things that is coded, I think, is quite conservative.

Yeah, you know, it's a little nerdy. It's a little, you know, and you're talking about the founders and you're kind of engaged in this kind of, this way of talking about things that is coded, I think, is quite conservative.

Yeah, I would call that a strange, like, you know, that was like a little boomlet. And we're not gonna, I mean, this isn't a conference about Hamilton, but I think people should be, I mean, the actual guy Hamilton, you know, he's mixed opinions. Yeah.

Yeah, I would call that a strange, like, you know, that was like a little boomlet. And we're not gonna, I mean, this isn't a conference about Hamilton, but I think people should be, I mean, the actual guy Hamilton, you know, he's mixed opinions. Yeah.

Right. And it needs to be much more forthright about just bringing this back into politics. I'll put it this way. One of the actual great powers Ja, genau. And there should be.

Right. And it needs to be much more forthright about just bringing this back into politics. I'll put it this way. One of the actual great powers Ja, genau. And there should be.

Yeah, it was just, it's just on sort of a lower level, you know, just the integrity of elections, right? I kind of go back and forth on this one because, you know, one of the funny things about Trump winning is that, like, you know, Trump voters, like, well, we trust elections again.

Yeah, it was just, it's just on sort of a lower level, you know, just the integrity of elections, right? I kind of go back and forth on this one because, you know, one of the funny things about Trump winning is that, like, you know, Trump voters, like, well, we trust elections again.

It's like, okay, well, result. Und der Fakt, dass er gewonnen hat, bedeutet, dass es keine Energie gibt, um den Steal zu stoppen. Aber das bedeutet, dass wir bis 2026 unsere Mega-Election-Boards am staatlichen Niveau gewinnen werden. Eine der Dinge, die ich in verschiedenen Orten gesagt habe, ist, dass das nächste Jahr, das Jahr danach...

It's like, okay, well, result. Und der Fakt, dass er gewonnen hat, bedeutet, dass es keine Energie gibt, um den Steal zu stoppen. Aber das bedeutet, dass wir bis 2026 unsere Mega-Election-Boards am staatlichen Niveau gewinnen werden. Eine der Dinge, die ich in verschiedenen Orten gesagt habe, ist, dass das nächste Jahr, das Jahr danach...

These are going to be really pivotal elections, if nothing else, because there's still this opportunity to secure the electoral process and to do as much as possible to maintain election integrity so that people have an opportunity to vote out the majority, should they decide to do so.

These are going to be really pivotal elections, if nothing else, because there's still this opportunity to secure the electoral process and to do as much as possible to maintain election integrity so that people have an opportunity to vote out the majority, should they decide to do so.

Yeah, that's a really good way of phrasing the question. Because I do see, like I do take the macro picture of this like really seriously, right? Sort of like, oh yeah, incumbent parties around the world got hammered by, you know, not just inflation, but kind of like discontent with like the post-COVID era, with everything that means. And so...

Yeah, that's a really good way of phrasing the question. Because I do see, like I do take the macro picture of this like really seriously, right? Sort of like, oh yeah, incumbent parties around the world got hammered by, you know, not just inflation, but kind of like discontent with like the post-COVID era, with everything that means. And so...

I did not receive an invite to this. If I did, I would pretend like I didn't. I have no desire to go to the Spotify-sponsored podcast brunch. Every word of that sounds like something I want no part of.

I did not receive an invite to this. If I did, I would pretend like I didn't. I have no desire to go to the Spotify-sponsored podcast brunch. Every word of that sounds like something I want no part of.

Given how narrow the result was, it may very well be the case that you could change nothing and get a better result four years from now. Or you just re-roll the dice. I mean, you obviously cannot do this, but if you were to re-roll the election again, maybe you get a different result, just because it's so narrow that so many different things could explain the outcome.

Given how narrow the result was, it may very well be the case that you could change nothing and get a better result four years from now. Or you just re-roll the dice. I mean, you obviously cannot do this, but if you were to re-roll the election again, maybe you get a different result, just because it's so narrow that so many different things could explain the outcome.

With that said, the macro picture established, I both think that There are real problems and deficiencies with the Democratic Party and the Democratic brand that this election has made clear. But I also think it's important for everyone not to go overboard.

So going overboard is like this sort of, what I understand as being kind of like self-loathing, self-flagellating, kind of like, you know, the Democratic Party is permanently separated, etc., etc., etc. It's like, okay, listen, when all the votes are counted, they've basically been counted, Trump hat den populären Voteil bei etwa 1,5 Punkten gewonnen.

Das ist der kleinste populäre Voteil, den er in ganzer Zeit gewonnen hat. Der Elektrode ist im Grunde gespart in halb. Und so ist es so, dass der Feld, auf dem wir arbeiten, der Elektrode ist im Grunde 50-50. Also lassen wir uns unseren Rollen über, weißt du, durable majorities on one hand or durable minority position on the other hand.

It seems clear to me that like both coalitions are engaged in what you might call a war position. They're trying to kind of establish a hegemony in a way that they just have not been able to manage. Why can't Democrats manage it? I think that is the question. And I think it does get to sort of like a disconnect between

But they disconnect of the party from its own base and sort of like there clearly is a sense in which democratic leaders, I don't think quite are in line with what Democratic base voters want from them. A separation from not the Democratic base, but kind of the voters who you might think would vote for Democrats, young people, working class people. There's a real disconnect there.

Maybe a cultural disconnect, maybe a communications disconnect, whatever it is. And then there's this extent to which in large parts of the country, the Democratic brand itself is kind of toxic, right? Like, if you are a Democrat in Montana,

oder Ohio oder Florida, dann wirst du nicht gut zusammenkommen in einer städteweiten Wahl, egal was du sagst, egal was deine Positionen sind, weil die Notion eines Demokraten einfach mit einem kulturellen Bild oder mit etwas verbunden ist, das zu vielen Votern toxisch ist. How you solve those problems, I don't really know.

The social scientist in me thinks that part of the solution here is going to be the Democratic Party actually reimagining itself as a proper political party and not just sort of like... Wenn ich das sage, meine ich eine echte Organisation, die versucht, direkte Verbindungen mit Votern auf dem Boden zu bauen.

Wie die NRA versucht, mit Waffenhändlern zu bauen, um tatsächlich eine Präsenz zu werden, die existiert. I was watching some TikTok. We'll talk about TikTok. I was watching a TikTok and it was a young woman saying to her viewers, you got to get engaged in politics. I was like, this is the message I love to hear.

And she says, you know, you got to start at the local level and you should look up to see if there's like a democratic club in your city. And I was like, that's interesting because that doesn't exist. That's not a thing, right? I can't go. I can't like...

google or go to local paper and find the address like the local democratic club and like show up and be like oh is there anything for me to do new york republican has club they do they have a club they have a speakeasy have been there that's that to me is like the first step right it's sort of establishing this kind of on the ground presence everywhere and it it can be explicitly political doesn't have to be but it

trying to rebuild a connection to voters, you know, person to person as an organization and not just mediated through candidates, to me, is going to be a first step towards being able to both reestablish the brand, but also kind of cut through the Es funktioniert nicht. Es funktioniert nicht.

And one explanation I've seen for this, and I guess I kind of agree with, is that it's not even so much that there are prominent Democrats who are doing things that are culturally alienating, but that there's like a media apparatus that basically sort of like, you know, plucks, you know, here is...

Hier ist jemand, den du kulturell abwechslungsfähig findest, der nur eine Person ist, nicht mit dem Demokratischen Partei verbunden ist, sondern nur eine Person, die in der Welt existiert und dann sagt, diese sind, was die Demokraten sind und das ist, was sie von dir denken.

Sie werden verantwortlich sein. Und es ist so, wie du dich gegen das drückst. And it is unreasonable, right, to say everyone who's vaguely left the center of the United States has to be on their best behavior all the time. It's like, that's insane. What you maybe can do is find some way to sort of short circuit the transmission of those messages.

And that's really only going to happen either through sort of like media saturation of the same kind or through some other way to reach ordinary people, to have some sort of, so that they have some other image in their head of what a Democrat is. ist, right?

So that instead of thinking of a Democrat as like some, you know, grad student in Portland who happened to get sucked up by the right-wing media machine, they think of a Democrat as a local teacher who, you know, is involved in like a local, the local party and like does door-to-door stuff. You're like, oh, that's, you know, I know, I know who that person is. I like them. I respect them.

They are a Democrat. But even, even the latter is, ist ein Projekt, das Arbeit und Investitionen und Experimentationen benötigt und eine Willenheit, um zu sehen, was sich in Bezug auf Organisation und Party-Bildung befindet.

Especially since, I mean, I think Democrats are trying to conserve something and that is sort of what's left of the New Deal order. I mean, the party is still kind of oriented around the New Deal and its successor, kind of expansion of the welfare state. So, it's like, yeah, I mean, you know, you're trying to conserve Social Security, you're trying to conserve Medicare, Medicaid.

You're trying to expand it somewhat as well, but you're expanding on an existing foundation. I think some of it is just going to be unavoidable. It is simply the case that what the broad left in this country wants is to use the power of the state to improve people's lives. That's what it wants. It wants to expand social services. It wants to expand social insurance.

It wants to do all these things. There's no way to be kind of an anti-system party when your basic orientation is that we're going to use the system. We're not going to try to dismantle it. We're not going to try to destroy it. We're going to try to use it. I do think there is a way to frame the state, the public, against

private actors who may want to unravel the social insurance state, who may want to slash taxes to the bone and cut services. There's a way of identifying villains and saying, we want to use the state on behalf of you and not let it be put in the hands of these other people who want to use it to enrich themselves. But that requires...

Demokrats doing something they really have not done, which is really, or with few exceptions have done, which is really kind of articulate villains to say, like, these are the baddies. Yeah, besides Donald Trump. These forces, these kind of institutions, these... These people, these are the people who are trying to harm you and we want to do something about them.

I do think that part of the absence of that kind of message is that there are these internal tensions within the Democratic Coalition, right? Like Democrats... White Republicans are reliant on the cash that comes from large wealthy donors. They want to maintain this business-friendly appearance for practical reasons of campaign cash, for governing reasons.

They don't want to be perceived as antagonists to what you could say like the establishment.

Right, because they're also connected. I mean, this gets to, I think, the role of kind of like the cultural image of what business is, right? Like people think of business, of businessmen as being disruptors, as being, you know, these dynamic figures. And so it's sort of, it's actually very natural kind of like Very natural discourse, you could say, right?

You have your disruptive, dynamic businessmen, Trump, Elon, you know, all these guys, irrespective of the truth of the matter, right? Like, that's the image versus kind of like, you know, a party of bureaucrats. And... Americans are probably going to side with the former over the latter every time.

I don't think Democrats can truly avoid being a party of bureaucrats, because ultimately that's kind of what they are. But there are ways, I think, maybe to redefine the other side. It's not quite dynamic and not quite exciting, but something more sinister. And then also to reframe what it is that Democrats want, not in terms of we're going to manage these programs, but in terms of

Our goal is to give you freedom from the worst of the market. Our goal is not to keep you from succeeding, but is to shield you from economic unfairness and all these things that make your life better. Interessant genug, am Anfang der Harris-Kampagne sah man ein wenig davon, ein wenig davon, wie Freiheit ist und was es bedeutet. Und das wurde verloren.

whose front guy is a libertine with like working class affectations. And it's sort of like, you know, voters, they look at Trump. So you say to voters, these people literally want to slash taxes for themselves so low that they'll be forced to cut benefits for your grandparents. And also they want to ban birth control. And you say that, you say that guy is their champion.

And then people look at that guy and they're like, Er? Und sie glauben es nicht. Es ist viel Arbeit, um Menschen zu glauben. Und du willst etwas wie das für Demokraten. Das sind ihre Schulmaschinen, die nicht wollen, dass du Spaß hast. And it's like the Democratic nominee is Spuds McKenzie.

I'll answer the second part first and then roll into the first. I have long been fascinated by Frederick Douglass for obvious reasons, one of the most important singular individuals of 19th century America. I would say one of the most important political philosophers of 19th century America.

Yeah, I think that might be the case.

I think that unquestionably just because of what the nature of this country, like what this country's history is, that like race and gender obviously played a part in this. Like Kamala Harris is trying to become the first woman and first black woman to become president of the United States. And it seems very silly to me to like dismiss, you know,

Potential racial or gender bias out of hand in that regard. Like, there was some research that came out last month, two months ago, that was just about sort of like the role of anti-Black attitudes in shaping, you know, certain kind of political views. And there's no conclusion on like the causal thing. Like, was it that you have anti-Black attitudes and you're more likely to support Trump?

Or being likely to support Trump kind of like leads you to anti-Black attitudes. Like the causal direction was unclear. But it's certainly there, right? And it's like when you're thinking of...

nicht-weißen, aber nicht-blasch-immigrantischen Gemeinschaften, die selbst von Kulturen kommen, in denen anti-blasch-Präsidium besteht, oder in Kulturen kommen, in denen anti-blasch-Präsidium besteht, und es gibt eine blacke Frau auf dem Topf eines Major-Party-Tickets, die für den Präsidenten läuft. Es scheint mir seltsam, die Rolle, die man in diesem Bereich ausmistet.

Ich glaube, die Absence davon aus broad public conversation, Does reflect, you know, Trump's gains. I think in a kind of shallow way, people are like, oh, if Trump made gains, how could like race and gender play any part of it? And it's like, well, it's complicated. It's a complicated relationship. I also think there's a bit of a, how do I put this? A bit of a, you know,

There's a bit of like a cancel culture element here, right? Like you'll get, I think if you were to forthrightly make the argument, you might get shouted down. You're just one of those identity liberals who doesn't want to pay attention to what's really happening. So it's like, I think there's a couple reasons why.

He's often thought of in those terms, but I think he is throughout his life articulating a vision of like an American, you know, I don't want to call it liberal because liberal doesn't really exist at the time, but a kind of American philosophy of action that is in dialogue with other philosophers of the time who I admire. So a lot of things fascinating about Frederick Douglass in my view.

Yeah, reverse, I don't know what to call it. But I think it's certainly part of why that conversation's been absent. My intuition is that, again, this is very much an all of the above situation, right? Like the margin's too narrow. to attribute it to one thing or the other. So it's like a lot of things were happening. And also electorates are big, kind of complicated things.

So a lot of things are happening. There is the macro picture of incumbent parties losing. There is a particular disconnect that Democrats have had from voters without college educations. There are questions and concerns of race and gender. It's entirely possible that a Democratic Party that was more

connected, better connected to non-college voters, to working class voters, would be able to overcome the race and gender stuff. That was to some extent the Obama story. Obama was able to overcome these things through personal force of will, personality, but also the Democratic Party just was more connected to those voters. So there's a lot going on.

It's why I've been actually quite hesitant to weigh in with a big picture of this is what happened, because I honestly, I don't know, and I think we have to wait to see. We have to collect more information, we have to count more votes, we have to interview more people, we have to actually find out what voters were thinking, were doing when they went to the polls.

And in the absence of that, it seems presumptuous to me to say, well, this is what happened. But at this stage, I do take a very kind of like... You shouldn't dismiss anything and should take seriously questions of identity, questions of prejudice and bias, as well as these sort of structural issues the Democratic Party appears to have. And the...

the unique appeal and, you know, connection that Trump has with a lot of voters. Like all of this is playing a part.

So I didn't start because of any, for any like political reasons. It was very much just sort of, I was consuming a lot of TikTok. I was kind of observing kind of how, like the tenor of political discourse on TikTok, the way in which people talk about politics and thought to myself, A, a lot of people in here are saying a lot of things that are not right. Nicht wahr?

Und ich denke, ich könnte vielleicht eine nützliche Ressource hier als echter professioneller Journalist sein. Und nach einigen Experimentationen und so, habe ich herausgefunden, was für mich als Person, die Dinge postet, funktioniert, was nur um konversationell zu sein, um zu sagen, You know, have a bit of a chat, have a walk and chat, that kind of thing.

And a little bit to my own surprise, people seem to be into it. I do think you're right to observe that this kind of thing is much more common on the political right. Like there aren't very many people associated with the political left, you know, the political center left, who are using...

But one of the most interesting is that he is this rare figure who basically lives to see his life goal accomplished. Und dann lebt er darüber hinaus, dass es anfängt, sich zu erneuern. Nicht komplett, es gibt keine Rückwärtsschlacht, aber seine Vision für die Flüchtlinge für schwarze Amerikaner, ist am Ende seines Lebens schnell klar geworden, dass das Land schnell zurückgeht.

These kind of platforms in this kind of way to just sort of like talk to people and not even necessarily with an aim of trying to sort of like win partisan allegiance, but just to sort of like, you know, talk about ideas and talk about, you know, what's going on in the country and just like the chat.

And I think there should be much more of it with regards to sort of like moral or ethical confunctions about TikTok. I don't know. I kind of I don't know. I don't know. That's a good answer. Do I think that the Chinese Communist Party probably knows too much about me? Yes. We've both got six-year-olds. Would you put a 12-year-old on TikTok? 10-year-olds? I don't know.

No, I mean, when it comes to usage, oh yeah, no, no, no. I mean, I wouldn't, I would not let anyone younger than like 22 be on social media. 22, older than drinking age.

I mean, I think about, I graduated from college in 2009. So, I guess I had Twitter in 2008. And Facebook maybe a little before that. But that was like back when Facebook was as much about meeting people who go to your college. So it sort of facilitated... Hanging out with people in real life, as it was sort of like exclusively digital relationships.

But the kind of algorithmic, you know, designed to addict you, social media, that's basically crack cocaine. And I would not let anyone in their teens be exposed to it.

I think the answer to my question is we still have to wait and see. We still have to wait and see. I think that we're on a bad trajectory. I think that we're on the path to a much less egalitarian and fair country, but You know, we'll have to see. I don't know. That's my answer.

This is a case of having to see what happens, what happens with this administration, how far it goes and how people respond. And I don't have the answer to that yet. And so I wouldn't say I'm hopeful, but I'm just sort of like, we'll see how things play out and we'll cross the bridges as we come to them.

This really is the thing that is like, I think if there's anything that people should actually take quite seriously, it's that like, we're, what, three, four weeks into, you know, the transition, and he's just... He has like two major Ls. His nominee for attorney general was promptly shot down. His threats to go to recess appointments were kind of ignored.

And he might lose his first pick for secretary of defense. That's actually such as unusual. This doesn't happen. Usually new presidents get a lot more leeway than this. And he's kind of squandering it. And everyone that falls, it doesn't actually make the chances of the others go. Ja, genau.

I would advise people, just as being a political observer, to not dismiss these things as, oh, it doesn't matter. No, it actually... When you're a new president, you don't really have that much time to do things.

Nicht nur auf der Linie der Black Rights, sondern auf der Linie der Ordentlichen Menschen, die Leben ohne Dominanz leben, ohne die Dominanz von anderen. Ich nenne es seine letzte große Sprache. Es gibt eine andere Sprache, die er ein paar Monate später zu einem Grupp von Schulschülern gibt, die andere sagen, dass es seine letzte große Sprache ist.

Aber eine seiner letzten öffentlichen Sprachen, bevor er stirbt, ist er reflektierend darauf, his experience throughout his life, what he witnesses, where he thinks things are going. And I think that it is useful to be reminded that the story of this country's history is not one of ceaseless and upward progress.

It is often one of long reversals, that people recognize that they were reversals at the time. And that nonetheless people continued to act and behave as if their actions mattered, as if their struggles mattered, as if politics mattered, as if it mattered to be engaged in all of this.

And at the end of the speech, Douglas says, you know, I wish I had more time to join you in this fight, but like the fight... We'll have to carry on and it must continue. And I find that inspirational. I find it maybe a little comforting. But more than ever, I find it useful. A useful way of looking at the situation. So to answer your first part of your question, I think things can get pretty bad.

I think it's important to balance maligned intentions, the fact that Trump really does seem to want, even if he can't articulate it in these terms, a kind of personalist authoritarian state, and balance that against the fact that he is very bad at being president. He's very bad at this. He's very bad at governing.

He's very bad at managing all the things one would have to do to accomplish the things he wants to accomplish. He's actually quite bad at. And we're kind of seeing this right now with these cabinet picks. Very disturbing, but also haphazard and somewhat disastrous for his political capital, if you want to talk of such a thing. Aber die Welt der Ergebnisse ist breit.

Ich denke, es könnte sehr schlecht werden. Und auch wenn es nicht das Schlimmste wird, gibt es noch, aus meiner Perspektive, Veränderungen in einigen Bereichen, die ich denke, es wird eine Generation dauern, um das, was verloren wurde, zurückzuklauen. Und auch wenn wir nur darauf schauen, denke ich, dass Douglas' Vorsitz ist wertvoll.

You know, on the highest level, I'm most concerned about being able to conserve a constitutional order or a constitutional interpretation, which the courts really do look out and are trying to give serious consideration to the rights of vulnerable people in the society and aren't willing to simply defer to state legislatures. Aus einem Prinzip von Neutralität.

Ich meine, ich referiere natürlich die letzten Oral-Argumente bezüglich genderaffirmierter Pflege für trans-Jüngere, aber die Konstitution nimmt eine neutralere Sicht auf soziale Kontroversien, auf...

Social inequality is also expressed in Dobbs, and I just find that a very dangerous way of viewing the Constitution, because neutrality of that sort opens up the door to, again, domination by people over others who... vielleicht mehr in der Gemeinschaft und unser Wunsch, andere Menschenrechte aufzulösen. Also, du weißt, ich habe mich über das beschäftigt.

Ich bin mir nicht sicher, inwiefern das möglich sein kann. Ich denke, wir passen in einen neuen Art und Weise der Verfassung in Ordnung. Ich bin mir nicht wirklich sicher, ob so viel gemacht werden kann, um den alten zu konservieren, außer als eine Anleitung für die Zukunft, um es zurückzubringen.

One important takeaway when thinking about 19th century politics is how much especially in the middle of the century, how much politics was about the Constitution and that happening on the field of ordinary political combat was just debates about what the Constitution is, how it should be utilized, not even how to interpret it, but what is it? What kind of document is it?

Is it this purely legalistic document, just sort of another form of law? Is it something much more broader and more political? And I think that

Wenn ich über den Weg nach der Veränderung denke, vielleicht nach diesem Zeitpunkt, wenn ich über die Veränderungsprinzipien denke, denke ich, dass die Grundlage dafür ist, die Konstitution zurück in die Politik zu bringen und tatsächlich einen öffentlichen Fall zu machen, wie einen Fall zu Votern, zu normalen Amerikanern zu machen. Das ist, was wir denken, die Konstitution ist.

Und das ist, was wir denken, die Beziehung der Gerichte zu der Konstitution sollte sein, die Beziehung der gewählten Branche zu der Konstitution sollte sein. And to the extent that the court is out of balance within that relationship, then we should do something about it.

So it's not an unlimited, we want to do this because we want to get our way, but it's an argument that you're making to the public that, listen, the courts are captured by a faction and they are acting in a way that is sort of divorced from reality. Ja, genau. die Größe des Gerichts zu erhöhen, Ethik-Ruhe einzunehmen, was auch immer die Antwort ist.

Und ich bin ein bisschen überrascht darüber, was gemacht sollte. Aber ich fühle mich ziemlich stark, dass die Grundlage dafür ist, dass dies wieder Teil der Politik ist. In welchem Sinne? Warum würde es beängstigend sein? Because when you start talking about, when you're getting into this discourse, right?

Yeah, you know, it's a little nerdy. It's a little, you know, and you're talking about the founders and you're kind of engaged in this kind of, this way of talking about things that is coded, I think, is quite conservative.

Yeah, I would call that a strange, like, you know, that was like a little boomlet. And we're not gonna, I mean, this isn't a conference about Hamilton, but I think people should be, I mean, the actual guy Hamilton, you know, he's mixed opinions. Yeah.

Right. And it needs to be much more forthright about just bringing this back into politics. I'll put it this way. One of the actual great powers Ja, genau. And there should be.

Yeah, it was just, it's just on sort of a lower level, you know, just the integrity of elections, right? I kind of go back and forth on this one because, you know, one of the funny things about Trump winning is that, like, you know, Trump voters, like, well, we trust elections again.

It's like, okay, well, result. Und der Fakt, dass er gewonnen hat, bedeutet, dass es keine Energie gibt, um den Steal zu stoppen. Aber das bedeutet, dass wir bis 2026 unsere Mega-Election-Boards am staatlichen Niveau gewinnen werden. Eine der Dinge, die ich in verschiedenen Orten gesagt habe, ist, dass das nächste Jahr, das Jahr danach...

These are going to be really pivotal elections, if nothing else, because there's still this opportunity to secure the electoral process and to do as much as possible to maintain election integrity so that people have an opportunity to vote out the majority, should they decide to do so.

Yeah, that's a really good way of phrasing the question. Because I do see, like I do take the macro picture of this like really seriously, right? Sort of like, oh yeah, incumbent parties around the world got hammered by, you know, not just inflation, but kind of like discontent with like the post-COVID era, with everything that means. And so...

I did not receive an invite to this. If I did, I would pretend like I didn't. I have no desire to go to the Spotify-sponsored podcast brunch. Every word of that sounds like something I want no part of.

Given how narrow the result was, it may very well be the case that you could change nothing and get a better result four years from now. Or you just re-roll the dice. I mean, you obviously cannot do this, but if you were to re-roll the election again, maybe you get a different result, just because it's so narrow that so many different things could explain the outcome.