Brent Buchanan
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Well, if you look at why people, especially those without a college degree, are moving to the right, it's because they don't trust the system at all. They believe that government works against them and not for them, and that it is an impediment to their ability to succeed, to take care of their family, to educate their children. They look at the lunacy of the left
Well, if you look at why people, especially those without a college degree, are moving to the right, it's because they don't trust the system at all. They believe that government works against them and not for them, and that it is an impediment to their ability to succeed, to take care of their family, to educate their children. They look at the lunacy of the left
how they're focusing so much on like, let's ensure there's 10 transgender bathrooms in the school as being a more important priority than like, can my kid do math at his or her grade level? And they just see tons of like luxury issue views being touted by the left when they're trying to make ends meet and they're trying to help their kid and family be successful or even just get by in many cases.
how they're focusing so much on like, let's ensure there's 10 transgender bathrooms in the school as being a more important priority than like, can my kid do math at his or her grade level? And they just see tons of like luxury issue views being touted by the left when they're trying to make ends meet and they're trying to help their kid and family be successful or even just get by in many cases.
And so that's why on issues like Doge, I mean, I'm here in the Washington, D.C. area, and everybody's hair is absolutely on fire over the downsizing and the cutting of contracts and the layoffs and all these things that in corporate America are very normal. And you don't see entire news segments being done on corporate layoffs, but they're flipping out about these smaller government layoffs.
And so that's why on issues like Doge, I mean, I'm here in the Washington, D.C. area, and everybody's hair is absolutely on fire over the downsizing and the cutting of contracts and the layoffs and all these things that in corporate America are very normal. And you don't see entire news segments being done on corporate layoffs, but they're flipping out about these smaller government layoffs.
But people outside of this bubble in normal America, especially these non-white communities, are cheering what's going on here.
But people outside of this bubble in normal America, especially these non-white communities, are cheering what's going on here.
You know, we looked at one factor in our February survey where if somebody did not vote in 2020, but they did vote for Donald Trump in 24, or they selected a different candidate in 2020, but voted for Donald Trump in 24, that audience is like 62% favorable of what Trump and Musk are doing with Doge right now.
You know, we looked at one factor in our February survey where if somebody did not vote in 2020, but they did vote for Donald Trump in 24, or they selected a different candidate in 2020, but voted for Donald Trump in 24, that audience is like 62% favorable of what Trump and Musk are doing with Doge right now.
I mean, that's just a wild factor of these folks that Donald Trump got engaged and pulled into the electorate or pulled his way are who is shaping the narrative moving forward.
I mean, that's just a wild factor of these folks that Donald Trump got engaged and pulled into the electorate or pulled his way are who is shaping the narrative moving forward.
They are in the doldrums, to say the least. And it's all their own doing, because as I was mentioning, they would rather focus on sexuality than they would the economy and have really radical views on it. And so they have earned this first off for themselves. But when you look at some of these, like I always like to look at data against some other point of data.
They are in the doldrums, to say the least. And it's all their own doing, because as I was mentioning, they would rather focus on sexuality than they would the economy and have really radical views on it. And so they have earned this first off for themselves. But when you look at some of these, like I always like to look at data against some other point of data.
how are the Democrats viewed versus how are the Republicans viewed, not just how are the Democrats viewed. Men are two to one unfavorable of Democrats. So Democrats are essentially buoyed by females, and when you dig further, they're buoyed by college-educated females.
how are the Democrats viewed versus how are the Republicans viewed, not just how are the Democrats viewed. Men are two to one unfavorable of Democrats. So Democrats are essentially buoyed by females, and when you dig further, they're buoyed by college-educated females.
So they're becoming less diverse as a party of who makes up their base and becoming more the party of the coastal elites and the big city elites. And those people don't look at all like the rest of America, like the majority of America.
So they're becoming less diverse as a party of who makes up their base and becoming more the party of the coastal elites and the big city elites. And those people don't look at all like the rest of America, like the majority of America.
And so when you go look at the inverse on the Republican side of their image, obviously females aren't as supportive of Republicans as males are, but it's not nearly the drastic difference between the two genders, and it's not as bad among females for Republicans as it is among males for Democrats.
And so when you go look at the inverse on the Republican side of their image, obviously females aren't as supportive of Republicans as males are, but it's not nearly the drastic difference between the two genders, and it's not as bad among females for Republicans as it is among males for Democrats.
You've even got 17% of Democrats who have an unfavorable opinion of their own party and only 12% of Republicans who have an unfavorable opinion of their own party. So if we're playing this forward three, six, 12 months going into the midterm, there are more people disaffected with the Democratic Party who might move over to the Republican Party than vice versa.
You've even got 17% of Democrats who have an unfavorable opinion of their own party and only 12% of Republicans who have an unfavorable opinion of their own party. So if we're playing this forward three, six, 12 months going into the midterm, there are more people disaffected with the Democratic Party who might move over to the Republican Party than vice versa.
It's class warfare, which has historically played well for the Democrats. The challenge is the number of people now within their constituency that that class warfare message worked with has dwindled because those folks, as we were talking about, you know, you've got the non-white, non-college educated voters, especially males moving to the Republican Party.
It's class warfare, which has historically played well for the Democrats. The challenge is the number of people now within their constituency that that class warfare message worked with has dwindled because those folks, as we were talking about, you know, you've got the non-white, non-college educated voters, especially males moving to the Republican Party.
they're not going to be voting for a Democrat. So their available pool of people to play this class warfare game with has shrunk. Now, does it help turn out some of their voters? Maybe, like maybe this is a turnout play, but it is not something that I think is going to work and pull persuadable people their way.
they're not going to be voting for a Democrat. So their available pool of people to play this class warfare game with has shrunk. Now, does it help turn out some of their voters? Maybe, like maybe this is a turnout play, but it is not something that I think is going to work and pull persuadable people their way.
Yeah, great to be back.
Yeah, great to be back.
Well, the first thing is we have to realize that most voters aren't watching the news constantly. So when they hear something or see something, they don't differentiate between the fact that Congress passed a law and Trump signed it or Trump signed an executive order or Trump just said something on Truth Social.
Well, the first thing is we have to realize that most voters aren't watching the news constantly. So when they hear something or see something, they don't differentiate between the fact that Congress passed a law and Trump signed it or Trump signed an executive order or Trump just said something on Truth Social.
or randomly at a press conference like they do not delineate between any of those things so maybe this is the argument for more civics education in school to have more people coming out of the public education system to know how government actually functions and works but if we're talking about the reality that we live in today people don't know the difference they just see massive action occurring which is why it's freaking out some folks and elating others
or randomly at a press conference like they do not delineate between any of those things so maybe this is the argument for more civics education in school to have more people coming out of the public education system to know how government actually functions and works but if we're talking about the reality that we live in today people don't know the difference they just see massive action occurring which is why it's freaking out some folks and elating others
Well, there were a few, and I'd say the biggest is this finding that non-white men continue to move towards Donald Trump. And it's a really fascinating thing because if you go back and look at the exit polling, white voters as a whole basically gave Trump the exact same margin in the 24 election as they did in the 20 election. And that was two factors, one being that
Well, there were a few, and I'd say the biggest is this finding that non-white men continue to move towards Donald Trump. And it's a really fascinating thing because if you go back and look at the exit polling, white voters as a whole basically gave Trump the exact same margin in the 24 election as they did in the 20 election. And that was two factors, one being that
I think the discussions around the cuts to Medicaid, and this kind of in my mind goes to all the communication about Doge in general. We've got to remember that this is dealing with people still. And so to come at it cold-hearted or to appear cold-hearted in how we're going about this cuts against our ability to do more of it. And so... Yes. Do entitlements need to be curbed? 100% they do.
I think the discussions around the cuts to Medicaid, and this kind of in my mind goes to all the communication about Doge in general. We've got to remember that this is dealing with people still. And so to come at it cold-hearted or to appear cold-hearted in how we're going about this cuts against our ability to do more of it. And so... Yes. Do entitlements need to be curbed? 100% they do.
But we can't just walk out there and let the narrative be Republicans are going to cut Medicaid, Republicans are going to cut Social Security because that's going to freak grandma and grandpa out. What we need to do instead on the conversation is explain, here is the massive fraud, waste, and abuse. We're not just using those three words. Here's a contract for this.
But we can't just walk out there and let the narrative be Republicans are going to cut Medicaid, Republicans are going to cut Social Security because that's going to freak grandma and grandpa out. What we need to do instead on the conversation is explain, here is the massive fraud, waste, and abuse. We're not just using those three words. Here's a contract for this.
Here is where a doctor billed 100,000 MRI scans when the average doctor bills 100, as an example, and say, those are the things we're cutting. And when we cut these, we can protect the program and protect your benefits. And that's the part that's totally missing right now in the Republican messaging on Doge, but also on the budget discussions.
Here is where a doctor billed 100,000 MRI scans when the average doctor bills 100, as an example, and say, those are the things we're cutting. And when we cut these, we can protect the program and protect your benefits. And that's the part that's totally missing right now in the Republican messaging on Doge, but also on the budget discussions.
Well, if you ask, do you support or oppose diversity, equity, and inclusion, which is what DEI stands for, it has very high levels of support because who's going to say they're against any of those three things? I don't want equitable government. I don't want a diverse... Nobody's going to come out and say that. But when you put it in terms of implementing DEI as a policy...
Well, if you ask, do you support or oppose diversity, equity, and inclusion, which is what DEI stands for, it has very high levels of support because who's going to say they're against any of those three things? I don't want equitable government. I don't want a diverse... Nobody's going to come out and say that. But when you put it in terms of implementing DEI as a policy...
as opposed to a value system, means that instead of hiring people based on merit and based on their experience, we're gonna say that your racial and gender or some other immutable characteristic is more important than what you have accomplished or what you're capable of doing when matched up with somebody else who could do the job.
as opposed to a value system, means that instead of hiring people based on merit and based on their experience, we're gonna say that your racial and gender or some other immutable characteristic is more important than what you have accomplished or what you're capable of doing when matched up with somebody else who could do the job.
And so when we put it in that construct, we found that only 3% of people said prioritize racial and gender identity in hiring. And we found 64% of people that said merit and experience. And again, everything about communication comes back to anchoring and giving somebody an understanding of something they can grasp. And the whole DEI conversation has to be anchored against.
And so when we put it in that construct, we found that only 3% of people said prioritize racial and gender identity in hiring. And we found 64% of people that said merit and experience. And again, everything about communication comes back to anchoring and giving somebody an understanding of something they can grasp. And the whole DEI conversation has to be anchored against.
When we choose that, we're saying merit and experience don't matter.
When we choose that, we're saying merit and experience don't matter.
It is the item that gets the highest scoring on any poll that you see when voters are asked, do you approve or disapprove of the job that Trump is doing on, and then they lay out the individual aspects as opposed to just job approval in general. And you start to get well above his job approval numbers when you ask about illegal immigration, because that was front and center
It is the item that gets the highest scoring on any poll that you see when voters are asked, do you approve or disapprove of the job that Trump is doing on, and then they lay out the individual aspects as opposed to just job approval in general. And you start to get well above his job approval numbers when you ask about illegal immigration, because that was front and center
of his entire campaign. It was constant news clips. If you remember back to 24 of these people storming over the border, you're actually starting to see it decrease as a top issue because it's not in the news as much because it's actually being addressed. There's so few people coming across the border now compared to four months ago under the Biden administration.
of his entire campaign. It was constant news clips. If you remember back to 24 of these people storming over the border, you're actually starting to see it decrease as a top issue because it's not in the news as much because it's actually being addressed. There's so few people coming across the border now compared to four months ago under the Biden administration.
What we're seeing in our data and others is that it's not getting enough conversational attention. So voters are wanting it to be addressed or at least be spoken about. Tell us how things aren't going to cost as much or how my wages are going to be able to go up so I can make up for the gap difference between my wage and what things cost to just live now.
What we're seeing in our data and others is that it's not getting enough conversational attention. So voters are wanting it to be addressed or at least be spoken about. Tell us how things aren't going to cost as much or how my wages are going to be able to go up so I can make up for the gap difference between my wage and what things cost to just live now.
non-college educated whites continue to move to the right, college educated whites and higher continue to move to the left. And that trend on the educational attainment, we call it the diploma divide, hadn't really made its way into non-white communities in the same veracity that it had white communities from between 16 and 20 and 24.
non-college educated whites continue to move to the right, college educated whites and higher continue to move to the left. And that trend on the educational attainment, we call it the diploma divide, hadn't really made its way into non-white communities in the same veracity that it had white communities from between 16 and 20 and 24.
And that is an area that it doesn't get nearly as high marks because it's not being talked about as much by the Trump administration. It's a real area of opportunity because Donald Trump and the Republican Congress have good ideas for this, but it's also such a massive topic. Like, I don't know how to fix the economy.
And that is an area that it doesn't get nearly as high marks because it's not being talked about as much by the Trump administration. It's a real area of opportunity because Donald Trump and the Republican Congress have good ideas for this, but it's also such a massive topic. Like, I don't know how to fix the economy.
I don't know if economists know how to fix the economy because it's just such a huge thing, but it is something that voters are telling us and telling other pollsters please focus on this more. And then when you look at the segment of voters that, you know, we coined as the ticked off young, diverse working class folks and did some projects with y'all last year on was this group still exists.
I don't know if economists know how to fix the economy because it's just such a huge thing, but it is something that voters are telling us and telling other pollsters please focus on this more. And then when you look at the segment of voters that, you know, we coined as the ticked off young, diverse working class folks and did some projects with y'all last year on was this group still exists.
And they're a little bit less ticked off about the direction of the country now, but demographically they're exact same. And they're telling us that inflation and economy is the number one issue and followed by healthcare at 17%, interestingly enough.
And they're a little bit less ticked off about the direction of the country now, but demographically they're exact same. And they're telling us that inflation and economy is the number one issue and followed by healthcare at 17%, interestingly enough.
Voters are a lot smarter than the media and sometimes politicians give them credit for. And they really just want to know that you're thinking about them and that you're trying to do something, even if the solution is not a quick fix.
Voters are a lot smarter than the media and sometimes politicians give them credit for. And they really just want to know that you're thinking about them and that you're trying to do something, even if the solution is not a quick fix.
And so it's more about telling them what you're doing as opposed to the doing resulting in lower costs or higher wages, because they know that it took five years to get to this place. We're not gonna be able to fix it in five months. And that's why I was mentioning it's got to be talked about more regularly, like as in a multiple times a day basis. That's how much it needs to be talked about.
And so it's more about telling them what you're doing as opposed to the doing resulting in lower costs or higher wages, because they know that it took five years to get to this place. We're not gonna be able to fix it in five months. And that's why I was mentioning it's got to be talked about more regularly, like as in a multiple times a day basis. That's how much it needs to be talked about.
Because I think voters are willing to give grace if they see you're working on it. Mm-hmm.
Because I think voters are willing to give grace if they see you're working on it. Mm-hmm.
Our debt, it is probably the number one threat more than any country is currently to us. even enemies like China, our debt is a greater threat, a more imminent threat to us. And nobody's talking about it. You know, we spent more on interest than we did our entire national defense.
Our debt, it is probably the number one threat more than any country is currently to us. even enemies like China, our debt is a greater threat, a more imminent threat to us. And nobody's talking about it. You know, we spent more on interest than we did our entire national defense.
And we have the largest national defense budget by multiples of the second closest country on what they do in defense spending in a year. So things like Doge are necessary. Things like entitlement reform are absolutely necessary. But they're really hard to do without the threat of the debt being discussed. Hmm. Any last thoughts here?
And we have the largest national defense budget by multiples of the second closest country on what they do in defense spending in a year. So things like Doge are necessary. Things like entitlement reform are absolutely necessary. But they're really hard to do without the threat of the debt being discussed. Hmm. Any last thoughts here?
You know, when you look at independent voters, which are the most fickle of all, you know, these folks are pretty dour on both. So independents, their view of Democrats in Congress are 36% favorable, 55% unfavorable. And then Republicans, it's a bit worse, 31% favorable, 62%.
You know, when you look at independent voters, which are the most fickle of all, you know, these folks are pretty dour on both. So independents, their view of Democrats in Congress are 36% favorable, 55% unfavorable. And then Republicans, it's a bit worse, 31% favorable, 62%.
unfavorable of independence of republicans in congress and we actually asked a question this week of when somebody told us they were an independent we asked them which way do you lean in partisan races is it you know mostly republicans or some democrats but more republicans and democrats than the rest of the way down the scale and those who lean left of independence are 54 compared to 47 of
unfavorable of independence of republicans in congress and we actually asked a question this week of when somebody told us they were an independent we asked them which way do you lean in partisan races is it you know mostly republicans or some democrats but more republicans and democrats than the rest of the way down the scale and those who lean left of independence are 54 compared to 47 of
independents leaning to the right. So it's a group that Republicans need to be focused on because you don't want to alienate that group and make sure all the left-leaning independents get really ticked off and show up to vote. But we're not giving anything to the right-leaning independents to make sure they come out to vote also.
independents leaning to the right. So it's a group that Republicans need to be focused on because you don't want to alienate that group and make sure all the left-leaning independents get really ticked off and show up to vote. But we're not giving anything to the right-leaning independents to make sure they come out to vote also.
And you just continue to see that, like, you've got 30% of Black men who are favorable of Donald Trump. I mean, that's a stat that if you'd ask his favorability in 2017, my guess would have been around 11%.
And you just continue to see that, like, you've got 30% of Black men who are favorable of Donald Trump. I mean, that's a stat that if you'd ask his favorability in 2017, my guess would have been around 11%.
Miami-Dade has been really interesting because it has a highly Hispanic population, but it's more Cuban and Venezuelan, and that's not really replicatable across the rest of the country. What I was looking at was, if you remember from the New York City Madison Square Garden rally where you had that comedian that opened for Trump,
Miami-Dade has been really interesting because it has a highly Hispanic population, but it's more Cuban and Venezuelan, and that's not really replicatable across the rest of the country. What I was looking at was, if you remember from the New York City Madison Square Garden rally where you had that comedian that opened for Trump,
you know, make a joke about Puerto Ricans living on an island of garbage. And maybe I'm getting that specific reference wrong, but the Puerto Ricans make up the majority of the Orlando area of Hispanics, which is a very different population of Hispanics than Cubans and Venezuelans in Miami-Dade County. So when I saw that he was doing well there, I knew that
you know, make a joke about Puerto Ricans living on an island of garbage. And maybe I'm getting that specific reference wrong, but the Puerto Ricans make up the majority of the Orlando area of Hispanics, which is a very different population of Hispanics than Cubans and Venezuelans in Miami-Dade County. So when I saw that he was doing well there, I knew that
the mainstream media narrative that Trump was going to be hurt by Hispanics because of that comedian's comment was simply just chatter within the bubble in the elitist class and not actually something that was going to hurt him with voters. And then you could also go over to Maycomb County
the mainstream media narrative that Trump was going to be hurt by Hispanics because of that comedian's comment was simply just chatter within the bubble in the elitist class and not actually something that was going to hurt him with voters. And then you could also go over to Maycomb County
Michigan, which is a very working class county, that continued to shift towards Republicans, and that's a highly unionized county. And so that also would tell you that, okay, if Trump is winning union voters who've been moving his direction And they're showing up in significant veracity that this is going to continue across the rest of the swing states and really the country as a whole.
Michigan, which is a very working class county, that continued to shift towards Republicans, and that's a highly unionized county. And so that also would tell you that, okay, if Trump is winning union voters who've been moving his direction And they're showing up in significant veracity that this is going to continue across the rest of the swing states and really the country as a whole.
And I think what's most fascinating in all of this is there was really three elections occurring. There was elections in the swing states, which didn't have huge shifts from the prior election. I mean, you did see a big difference in like Arizona, for example, where Biden barely won it. Trump got over 5% of this time. I think that was more a normalization of the state than anything else.
And I think what's most fascinating in all of this is there was really three elections occurring. There was elections in the swing states, which didn't have huge shifts from the prior election. I mean, you did see a big difference in like Arizona, for example, where Biden barely won it. Trump got over 5% of this time. I think that was more a normalization of the state than anything else.
But then you had elections in red and blue states and places like Florida and Texas got even redder and places like New Jersey. Trump got that to a single digit race. And so where money was spent, significant money was spent. The elections were closer, even though Republicans did well. And where money was not spent, Republicans just blew it out of the water.
But then you had elections in red and blue states and places like Florida and Texas got even redder and places like New Jersey. Trump got that to a single digit race. And so where money was spent, significant money was spent. The elections were closer, even though Republicans did well. And where money was not spent, Republicans just blew it out of the water.
And that was a combination of two things. One, Republicans showing up strongly, but also Democrats staying home.
And that was a combination of two things. One, Republicans showing up strongly, but also Democrats staying home.
It definitely did. And what's interesting about the top priority question is that it became very politically polarized. And if you remember how the Harris campaign closed, they basically closed the same way that Biden tried to frame the end of the 22 midterms elections. And that was Trump is a threat to democracy. And so we have to defeat him to protect our democracy.
It definitely did. And what's interesting about the top priority question is that it became very politically polarized. And if you remember how the Harris campaign closed, they basically closed the same way that Biden tried to frame the end of the 22 midterms elections. And that was Trump is a threat to democracy. And so we have to defeat him to protect our democracy.
And so that was an issue that really showed up in a lot of our polling. It was somewhere in the top two or three leading up to the election. In our final exit poll on election day, it ended up being the number two issue, almost tying with inflation and economy. But if you said threats to democracy was your number one issue, Harris won those voters by 69 points.
And so that was an issue that really showed up in a lot of our polling. It was somewhere in the top two or three leading up to the election. In our final exit poll on election day, it ended up being the number two issue, almost tying with inflation and economy. But if you said threats to democracy was your number one issue, Harris won those voters by 69 points.
And if you said inflation economy was the issue, Trump won those voters by 60. Illegal immigration, Trump won those voters by 89 points. Wow. You know, of course, Harris wins the abortion voters. And then when you look at all the other issues, you know, kind of the minor issues strung together, Trump barely lost those. So it was very much these like kind of two...
And if you said inflation economy was the issue, Trump won those voters by 60. Illegal immigration, Trump won those voters by 89 points. Wow. You know, of course, Harris wins the abortion voters. And then when you look at all the other issues, you know, kind of the minor issues strung together, Trump barely lost those. So it was very much these like kind of two...
Republican leaning issues and Democrat leaning issues that were hyper partisan, but I really believe that that was just simply turnout mechanisms and Republicans did a better job turning out voters who cared about inflation and economy plus illegal immigration than Democrats did turning out voters who said abortion and threats to democracy, which to me are their luxury issues.
Republican leaning issues and Democrat leaning issues that were hyper partisan, but I really believe that that was just simply turnout mechanisms and Republicans did a better job turning out voters who cared about inflation and economy plus illegal immigration than Democrats did turning out voters who said abortion and threats to democracy, which to me are their luxury issues.
If you're way at the top of the Maslow's hierarchy of needs, you can care about threats to democracy and abortion. But if you're trying to make ends meet and care for your family, you care about inflation and economy and illegal immigration, and that's what won at the end of the day.
If you're way at the top of the Maslow's hierarchy of needs, you can care about threats to democracy and abortion. But if you're trying to make ends meet and care for your family, you care about inflation and economy and illegal immigration, and that's what won at the end of the day.
Huge. And I think it's not necessarily the thing that helped with the election. I think it is a symptom of a deeper problem for the Democrats. And that is they have gone off into this woke ideology where, you know, you've got to believe all these things or you're a bad person when Republicans are like, well, we we kind of like. normal. We like normalcy. And that's really out there.
Huge. And I think it's not necessarily the thing that helped with the election. I think it is a symptom of a deeper problem for the Democrats. And that is they have gone off into this woke ideology where, you know, you've got to believe all these things or you're a bad person when Republicans are like, well, we we kind of like. normal. We like normalcy. And that's really out there.
And Democrats have just gone so much into this politics of identity. And the majority of the country is rejecting that. So we did a survey post-election for the American Principles Project, which took a lot of the research that y'all did and then turned it into advertising. And we tested several of the key campaign themes, one being to that Kamala Harris is for sex changes for children.
And Democrats have just gone so much into this politics of identity. And the majority of the country is rejecting that. So we did a survey post-election for the American Principles Project, which took a lot of the research that y'all did and then turned it into advertising. And we tested several of the key campaign themes, one being to that Kamala Harris is for sex changes for children.
Another one was that she wants to give your tax dollars to have prisoners get sex changes. We tested the men and women's sports, and we tested the they, them, Trump is for you messaging. What was really fascinating about this, and I think it is one of the reasons that the diploma divide that has existed with white voters, where if you're non-college white, you're shifting hard right,
Another one was that she wants to give your tax dollars to have prisoners get sex changes. We tested the men and women's sports, and we tested the they, them, Trump is for you messaging. What was really fascinating about this, and I think it is one of the reasons that the diploma divide that has existed with white voters, where if you're non-college white, you're shifting hard right,
that has now gone into the non-white population. What we found out is that among Hispanic voters who said that sex changes for minors made an impact on their vote, 52% of them said it made them more likely to vote for Trump. Of Black voters who said that men and women's sports was a concern for them, 45% said it made them more likely to vote for Trump. So I think...
that has now gone into the non-white population. What we found out is that among Hispanic voters who said that sex changes for minors made an impact on their vote, 52% of them said it made them more likely to vote for Trump. Of Black voters who said that men and women's sports was a concern for them, 45% said it made them more likely to vote for Trump. So I think...
These cultural issues potentially had a bigger impact in moving non-white voters to Trump, while the economic issues were more at play for continuing these white non-college educated voters moving to Trump. And that's a really unique story coming out of this election.
These cultural issues potentially had a bigger impact in moving non-white voters to Trump, while the economic issues were more at play for continuing these white non-college educated voters moving to Trump. And that's a really unique story coming out of this election.
Overall, he gained ground because in all 50 states moved to the right. Some of the states barely moved to the right, like I think Washington state, for example, was 0.2% more Republican. But then New York state was 12% more Republican. California was 7% more Republican than the last election.
Overall, he gained ground because in all 50 states moved to the right. Some of the states barely moved to the right, like I think Washington state, for example, was 0.2% more Republican. But then New York state was 12% more Republican. California was 7% more Republican than the last election.
But when you break out some of the individual demographic groups, Gen X was the largest generational shift towards Trump. In 2020, they were Republican plus one, Trump plus one. In this election, they were Trump plus 13. You know, seniors kind of stayed the same. Gen Z moved towards Trump. Millennials actually moved against Trump. There were some other shifts in...
But when you break out some of the individual demographic groups, Gen X was the largest generational shift towards Trump. In 2020, they were Republican plus one, Trump plus one. In this election, they were Trump plus 13. You know, seniors kind of stayed the same. Gen Z moved towards Trump. Millennials actually moved against Trump. There were some other shifts in...
the college educational attainment, where if you had a college degree and you're white, you got more democratic. But that was probably the only group you can point to and say, this got worse for Trump, but it's been a 20-year trend. And so I don't think we can say this is just Trump's fault.
the college educational attainment, where if you had a college degree and you're white, you got more democratic. But that was probably the only group you can point to and say, this got worse for Trump, but it's been a 20-year trend. And so I don't think we can say this is just Trump's fault.
I would say there's a whole lot more things to look at and say that Trump is now taking that diploma divide into the non-white community. One thing I'll point out is that, you know, Kamala Harris, when she ran for Senate in California, ran as an Indian American. And in this election, she ran as a Black American.
I would say there's a whole lot more things to look at and say that Trump is now taking that diploma divide into the non-white community. One thing I'll point out is that, you know, Kamala Harris, when she ran for Senate in California, ran as an Indian American. And in this election, she ran as a Black American.
And college-educated Indian Americans actually were one of the groups that shifted furthest to Trump. And so, like, if that does not define how poorly she did in this election, that she screwed up the one group that should have moved towards her, college-educated Indian Americans. Trump was able to get to those folks, and it was really the economic concerns for them.
And college-educated Indian Americans actually were one of the groups that shifted furthest to Trump. And so, like, if that does not define how poorly she did in this election, that she screwed up the one group that should have moved towards her, college-educated Indian Americans. Trump was able to get to those folks, and it was really the economic concerns for them.
Well, it's not a huge population in the country. So it's kind of a hard group to dig into. You know, Vietnamese and Indians and Chinese all go into that bucket of Asian Americans. But if you were a non-college educated Asian American student, you started to shift towards Republicans that hadn't really existed in the past.
Well, it's not a huge population in the country. So it's kind of a hard group to dig into. You know, Vietnamese and Indians and Chinese all go into that bucket of Asian Americans. But if you were a non-college educated Asian American student, you started to shift towards Republicans that hadn't really existed in the past.
And so I think Democrats are walking into future elections asking themselves, who is our coalition? Because they're essentially now the party of the coastal elites and the white college educated coastal elites.
And so I think Democrats are walking into future elections asking themselves, who is our coalition? Because they're essentially now the party of the coastal elites and the white college educated coastal elites.
Well, it was still, you know, women lean more towards Harris and men lead more towards Trump. But I think the bigger story is the fact that historically in every single presidential election going back for half a dozen presidential elections, women made up 54 percent of the voters. And in this election, women only made up 53% of voters.
Well, it was still, you know, women lean more towards Harris and men lead more towards Trump. But I think the bigger story is the fact that historically in every single presidential election going back for half a dozen presidential elections, women made up 54 percent of the voters. And in this election, women only made up 53% of voters.
And you're probably saying, well, Brent, why are you saying that 1% is a big shift? But that is a huge breakout trend. And Trump made a strong play for the bro vote on the podcast he went on, the way he did his advertising, and kind of how the imagery of those advertisements, maybe in the music of the advertisements was really geared towards men. And it didn't turn off women.
And you're probably saying, well, Brent, why are you saying that 1% is a big shift? But that is a huge breakout trend. And Trump made a strong play for the bro vote on the podcast he went on, the way he did his advertising, and kind of how the imagery of those advertisements, maybe in the music of the advertisements was really geared towards men. And it didn't turn off women.
Women 55 plus, for example, voted for Kamala Harris, but they only voted for her by three points. Under 55 only voted for Harris by 14 points. Those are really small margins compared to what we saw in 2020 on this gender and age divide.
Women 55 plus, for example, voted for Kamala Harris, but they only voted for her by three points. Under 55 only voted for Harris by 14 points. Those are really small margins compared to what we saw in 2020 on this gender and age divide.
And I think it's one of the unsung stories of this election in that Trump really bypassed the mainstream media and went to all these alternative media sources that happened to speak more to men. You know, Joe Rogan is mostly a male audience. Theo Vaughn is almost exclusively a male audience. And they're also amplified on YouTube.
And I think it's one of the unsung stories of this election in that Trump really bypassed the mainstream media and went to all these alternative media sources that happened to speak more to men. You know, Joe Rogan is mostly a male audience. Theo Vaughn is almost exclusively a male audience. And they're also amplified on YouTube.
When you looked at some of the key counties within the swing states, you could see that he was doing so well within those counties that what made those counties good for him could be replicated across the other swing states, including places like Arizona and Nevada, which were still counting votes or just beginning to end the polls at 10.02 p.m.
When you looked at some of the key counties within the swing states, you could see that he was doing so well within those counties that what made those counties good for him could be replicated across the other swing states, including places like Arizona and Nevada, which were still counting votes or just beginning to end the polls at 10.02 p.m.
And when you go look at where people consume their information and how they voted in the presidential election, the alternative media sources, if you're getting your news from those places, you are much more likely to have voted for Trump. Donald Trump. So when we ask this media consumption question, one of them is, do you get your media from streaming apps like The Daily Wire?
And when you go look at where people consume their information and how they voted in the presidential election, the alternative media sources, if you're getting your news from those places, you are much more likely to have voted for Trump. Donald Trump. So when we ask this media consumption question, one of them is, do you get your media from streaming apps like The Daily Wire?
We didn't say like The Daily Wire, but that would fall in the category of a streaming app. If you get your news from a streaming app, you voted for Donald Trump by 26 points. Wow.
We didn't say like The Daily Wire, but that would fall in the category of a streaming app. If you get your news from a streaming app, you voted for Donald Trump by 26 points. Wow.
Yeah, they did a really good job moving Kamala Harris's image from upside down, really badly upside down, like Joe Biden, to, you know, only slightly upside down. But they could never get her further than that because they could only reach a certain audience.
Yeah, they did a really good job moving Kamala Harris's image from upside down, really badly upside down, like Joe Biden, to, you know, only slightly upside down. But they could never get her further than that because they could only reach a certain audience.
So of people who told us in our exit poll that they get their news from national television like ABC, NBC, CBS, they voted for Harris by 39 points. newspapers, if that's where you get your information, you voted for Harris by 48 points. But then if you get your news from talk radio, it's Trump plus 40, Facebook, Trump plus 22.
So of people who told us in our exit poll that they get their news from national television like ABC, NBC, CBS, they voted for Harris by 39 points. newspapers, if that's where you get your information, you voted for Harris by 48 points. But then if you get your news from talk radio, it's Trump plus 40, Facebook, Trump plus 22.
So you start to see that they're losing their grip on their ability to move anything past a certain point. And I think we're just going to continue to see that degrade and degrade as folks realize that they're not giving them truthful information and they're telling people what to think and they're not giving them all the facts as they tell people what to think.
So you start to see that they're losing their grip on their ability to move anything past a certain point. And I think we're just going to continue to see that degrade and degrade as folks realize that they're not giving them truthful information and they're telling people what to think and they're not giving them all the facts as they tell people what to think.
And that's why we're having this segmentation of folks who are listening to podcasts like this, who are subscribing to streaming services. And I believe we're going to find more and more of that as people seek out the truth for themselves.
And that's why we're having this segmentation of folks who are listening to podcasts like this, who are subscribing to streaming services. And I believe we're going to find more and more of that as people seek out the truth for themselves.
No, I think the progressive wing of the Democratic Party will never learn the lesson from this election because they're the same people who ran ads that essentially said, you voters are stupid. If you knew this information, you'd vote the right way, which meant for Kamala Harris and Democrats.
No, I think the progressive wing of the Democratic Party will never learn the lesson from this election because they're the same people who ran ads that essentially said, you voters are stupid. If you knew this information, you'd vote the right way, which meant for Kamala Harris and Democrats.
And they believe that the reason that they're not winning is because enough people don't know what they know. And they don't know how to say it without being condescending to the majority of the country. So what I think we saw in this election was that this trend of wokeism and progressivism, voters finally stood up and said, this is enough.
And they believe that the reason that they're not winning is because enough people don't know what they know. And they don't know how to say it without being condescending to the majority of the country. So what I think we saw in this election was that this trend of wokeism and progressivism, voters finally stood up and said, this is enough.
Republicans need to realize that this is not a normal election for us. Donald Trump is a unique individual that can communicate with folks in a certain way, and that is why you saw in a lot of races him get more votes than anybody else on the ticket that was a Republican. And the lesson for Republicans out of this need to be Don't be scared to jump into the cultural issues.
Republicans need to realize that this is not a normal election for us. Donald Trump is a unique individual that can communicate with folks in a certain way, and that is why you saw in a lot of races him get more votes than anybody else on the ticket that was a Republican. And the lesson for Republicans out of this need to be Don't be scared to jump into the cultural issues.
Talk about economics in a way that normal people understand. Don't tell them the economy is good when they feel the economy is bad for them, which is basically what Democrats did. And you have to go into these communities and start building relationships with folks because we just can't take for granted that these non-white voters who moved to Republicans are going to stay with us.
Talk about economics in a way that normal people understand. Don't tell them the economy is good when they feel the economy is bad for them, which is basically what Democrats did. And you have to go into these communities and start building relationships with folks because we just can't take for granted that these non-white voters who moved to Republicans are going to stay with us.
They moved to Trump. They did not move to Republicans. And there's a whole lot of work to still be done in building real relationships, not just Election Day relationships with these folks.
They moved to Trump. They did not move to Republicans. And there's a whole lot of work to still be done in building real relationships, not just Election Day relationships with these folks.